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1.
Jay G. Chambers 《Economics of Education Review》1981,1(4):467-481
Among labor economists there is a long-standing interest in the effects of collective bargaining in the public sector. Among industrial relations experts interest exists in the impact that differences in the legal status of public bargaining have on the outcomes of the bargaining process. It is the purpose of this article to shed some light on both questions by estimating the impact of collective bargaining on the earnings of public school teachers in the state of Missouri and then comparing the results with those obtained in the previous study for the state of California. The results reveal the same basic patterns and magnitudes of bargaining effects in the two states despite the differences in the legal status of bargaining. 相似文献
2.
Terry H. Smith Wallace 《Research in higher education》1976,4(4):381-392
While the need for community college faculty development has evolved into a top priority issue over the last decade, collective bargaining has become a significant influence on the programs and policies of two-year campuses in many states. The following study examines the trends of collective negotiations as they affect inservice education, through an examination of collective bargaining agreements. The findings indicate that few colleges declare the purpose of faculty development to be increased teaching effectiveness or link participation in professional growth activities with reward for that participation. Few colleges include faculty on inservice planning bodies. However, facilitating policies for staff development exist in significant numbers of agreements, providing for inservice days, leaves of absence, sabbaticals, tuition reimbursement for formal study, and released time for innovative program development. In all, the trend is presently one of negotiation of provisions in a piecemeal fashion rather than one with the goal of establishing comprehensive professional improvement programs. 相似文献
3.
We explore how teachers unions affect education production by comparing outcomes between districts allocating new tax revenue amidst collective bargaining negotiations and districts allocating tax revenue well before. Districts facing union pressure increase teacher salaries and benefits, spend down reserves, and experience no student achievement gains. Conversely, districts facing less pressure hire more teachers (instead of increasing compensation) and realize significant student achievement gains. We interpret these results as causal evidence of the negative impact of teacher rent seeking on education production, as the timing of district tax elections relative to collective bargaining appears to be as good as random. 相似文献
4.
Bradley D. Marianno 《Journal of School Choice》2015,9(4):551-577
Between 2011 and 2013 lawmakers in every state proposed, and often enacted, laws intended to impact codified state provisions related to teachers and teachers’ unions (author calculation). These new laws either worked against union interests (e.g., by prohibiting collective bargaining) or they aligned with union positions (e.g. by providing enhanced compensation benefits to teachers). In recent years scholars have paid more attention to the impact of teachers’ unions and collective bargaining. Few researchers have made an effort to understand state-level attempts to legislatively modify traditional union-protected rights. This paper is the first to explore these changes in detail. Using a self-collected dataset, I track the proposal and enactment of legislation related to teachers’ unions and their collective bargaining agreements in state legislatures between 2011 and 2013. I find that while large-scale attacks on public sector bargaining rights dwindled after 2011, smaller, more focused legislative proposals concerning the rights of teachers continued. Lawmakers succeeded in removing several job protections for teachers in ways that left both teachers and unions more vulnerable to the actions of school and district administrators. However, contrary to the popular media narrative, teachers actually made legislative gains, particularly in the area of compensation and benefits following 2011. 相似文献
5.
John E. Stecklein Sr. Reynold Willie 《Community College Journal of Research & Practice》2013,37(3):217-237
A six‐page questionnaire sent in 1980 to a 25% random sample of teachers in Minnesota's 18 public community colleges provides information that is compared with similar information collected in 1956 and 1968. The nature and extent of professional activities, sources of satisfaction and dissatisfaction with careers, attitudes toward collective bargaining, and some demographic variables of Minnesota community college teachers are described and compared. Minnesota community college faculty members in 1980 were generally contented, as they were in 1956 and 1968. In all periods they spent most of their time on teaching‐related activities. Although the proportion involved in consulting with schools, business, and industry has doubled in the past 12 years, faculty involvement in off‐campus services is still limited. Research and scholarly writing is not a function of most of the faculty. About three‐fourths of the respondents supported collective bargaining in 1980. The most serious source of dissatisfaction, reported by 40% of the respondents in 1980 was inadequate salary. The chief source of satisfaction reported in all three periods was the opportunity to help college‐age students learn and develop. Implications of the results for a re‐examination of community college functions are discussed. The pecking order in this state does not reflect the major contribution of this system to higher education. Working conditions, particularly in terms of load and support services are primitive. Financial rewards, the status and extra income of consulting fees are severely limited. I can no longer afford five percent salary increases and twenty percent inflation. I am currently looking for a position in private industry, which seems to have the resources education does not. (Sociology instructor) I cannot remember a profession/job that could be more personally rewarding, spiritually constructive or totally satisfying as college teaching. (English/history instructor) 相似文献
6.
Donald C. Savage 《Interchange》1994,25(1):55-63
Despite a persistent belief to the contrary, most Canadian universities prior to the 1960s did not operate collegially. They were run autocratically. Collective bargaining arose as a means of ensuring true collegiality through negotiations between equals, legally entrenching due process and academic freedom, and providing a clearer and stronger mechanism for dealing with salaries and benefits. This was a revolution from below in the governance of universities. Although the sixties are widely regarded as the age of student revolt, in Canada it was the faculty, not the students, who secured a dramatic change in the power structure of the university through collective bargaining. 相似文献
7.
《Journal of Higher Education Policy & Management》2012,34(2):101-107
This essay relates collective bargaining in American higher education to the evolution of collegial governance and its erosion on some campuses. The diversity of American higher education and the industrial model of collective bargaining being transplanted to campuses explain the modest contribution made by collective bargaining to university governance. Based on the author's experience as sometime General Secretary of the American Association of University Professors, he concludes that faculty should have the right to decide to bargain collectively but that the cost of collective bargaining usually outweighs its benefits. He recommends that strengthening collegial governance is a preferable strategy for the future. 相似文献
8.
教师组织是西方发达国家公民社会的重要组成部分,在国家的政治生活和教育改革与发展中发挥着举足轻重的作用.从组织目标的角度看,教师组织所关切的事务不仅仅是教师自身的工作权益,同时还有教育工作者对于教育事务的公共性、政治性和伦理性的自觉意识.在一个利益多元、权力相对分散的社会中,大多数教师组织都倾向于采用集体谈判、罢工、政治活动、会员服务活动等运作策略借以达致其组织目标.在新的历史条件下,"新工会主义"在一定程度上预示了世界教师组织的发展趋势. 相似文献
9.
Recent attention has focused on the existence of non-government schools that cater to children from low-income families. These schools can now be found in the majority of developing countries, many of which have a prescribed public policy to provide free public education. This raises the question, why would a low-income family choose to send a child to a fee-paying school if a place in a free school were available? This paper will report on case studies of low-fee schools in Jamaica, Kenya, Tanzania, Ghana, Indonesia and Pakistan and will assess the reasons for their increased demand. In the past, some have argued that development assistance agencies should limit assistance to public school sector. Others have argued that the public sector is inadequate and in many ways has failed in its ambitions to provide a minimum quality for every child.This paper will consider what public policy should be toward low-cost private schools, including the policy of development assistance agencies which seek to assist low and middle income countries as well as the appropriate public policy for national and local governments. The paper will conclude with several recommendations. One recommendation is that although children from low-income families attend non-government schools, they continue to be citizens; hence they should not be excluded from poverty assistance strategies. A second recommendation is to expand government statistical functions so that non-government schools are regularly included in the calculations of enrollment rates. Lastly, the paper does not recommend voucher or other program of publically financed school choice on the grounds that the public sector should remain the main conduit for public schooling. It does, however, raise questions as to the limits of the public sector in delivering high quality schooling and whether these limits should be more candidly acknowledged. 相似文献
10.
R. Penner 《Interchange》1978,9(3):71-86
Conclusion The Kemerer-Baldridge study acknowledges that in the U.S. faculty unions have negotiated procedural protection in tenure and promotions, less arbitrariness in administrative decisions, more job security, and greater economic security in general. The authors also point out that these negotiated advantages accrue to non-unit faculty as well. In my view those conclusions apply with equal force in Canada.As noted in the introduction to this section, we still lack sufficient data to do more than generalize from impressionistic accounts. Nevertheless I feel safe in saying that, in a very short period of time, collective bargaining has enhanced true professionalism and real collegiality on Canadian campuses by moving Canadian academics from their knees (suitable no doubt for supplication) to their feet; by giving them legally enforceable job security without which the notion of academic freedom had too hollow a ring; by giving them a real and not a mythical voice in university governance; and by doing all of this and more without creating excessive bureaucracies, industrial models, unconscionable power blocks, or strangulation by legalistic formality. In the course of doing so, Canadian faculty engaged in collective bargaining have developed innovative approaches in a number of key areas, approaches which may yet have significant impact in both public and private sector bargaining. Certainly, faculty collective bargaining has gone a long way in developing a model for professional unionism in Canada. 相似文献
11.
从法国公共部门集体谈判的准备、过程和结果三个方面入手,对其法律基础、谈判主体、协商范围、不正当的劳资做法和谈判诚意、僵局解决机制、罢工、成果——集体协议以及政府管理机构这八个主要问题进行了分析和探讨。 相似文献
12.
《Journal of Further & Higher Education》2012,36(1):23-31
This article explores the recent development of new spheres of public engagement within UK higher education through an analysis of the foundation degree qualification. These, according to the Higher Education Funding Council for England (HEFCE), were designed to equip students with the combination of technical skills, academic knowledge, and transferable skills increasingly being demanded by employers, and they have been identified as being at the forefront of educational agendas aimed at increasing employer engagement in the higher education (HE) sector. As such, they might be regarded as an expression of the ‘increasing privatisation’ of HE. However, this article argues that, on the contrary, they have enabled the development of new areas of public engagement relating to the design and delivery of courses as well as providing new opportunities for the pursuit of public policy goals such as widening participation. Such outcomes, it is argued, are the result of a number of factors that explain the ‘publicness’ of the qualification and that should be sustained to ensure the implementation of the 2006 Leitch Report in a manner that further develops public engagement. 相似文献
13.
It is increasingly acknowledged that for individuals to participate in a pluralistic and democratic society, they must understand religious conviction and difference. In educational literature, the discussion surrounding education and religion focuses on the implications for students. It is important to consider what this may mean to the teachers, as teachers directly influence student learning. This article uses literature on religion, multiculturalism, teacher identity, and popular culture to connect teachers' private religious identifications to their professional identities in public school classrooms. It supports future research in this area and provides a theoretical framework for subsequent studies. 相似文献
14.
As the private education sector grows across the globe, private providers by extension are becoming significant employers of teachers. In India, more than 3 million teachers are employed in the private sector, contributing to meeting the rapidly expanding educational demands and learning needs of children. Teacher working conditions are crucial to ensure teacher retention and success within the education system. We use the 2011–2012, nationally representative employment data from India, to investigate private teacher working conditions. We conduct a series of regression analysis to account for the differences in demographic attributes of public and private teachers, differences in rural and urban growth of private schools and cross-state variations. We find that, compared to public school teachers, private school teachers experience less favorable monetary and non-monetary working conditions including less access to paid leaves, pension and health care. They also experience lower job security in terms of the existence of a contract and the length of contract period. Private school teachers also have a lower access to teacher unions and thus weaker collective bargaining to negotiate their working conditions. Private teachers are more frequently likely to seek additional work and alternate work. Some noteworthy differences in teacher demographics in rural and urban areas (urban teachers are more likely to be female, somewhat older, and more educated) notwithstanding, these patterns of public-private teacher working conditions are consistent across rural and urban location. We conclude with reflections on potential explanations for these results and suggest steps for future research. 相似文献
15.
《Critical Studies in Education》2013,54(1):131-148
This paper argues that the ‘new world order’ achieved at the end of the cold war is in crisis, not generated from the threat of ‘war’ between Christian and Islamic worlds but from within western societies, specifically from the growing commercialisation and ‘privatisation’ of social and community life which has uncoupled the systems and activities of society from the collective and individual purposes of people who comprise that society. Drawing on interview data (life and work histories) from three cohorts (1950s-1960s, 1970s-1980s, 1990s to present) of US and Canadian teachers, the paper identifies evidence of this crisis in the fields of culture, education and public service (e.g. in the turning away from public and towards private pursuits as the motivation for one's ‘life's work’ or ‘passion’). It also looks to these fields in the search for answers to what motivates people and sponsors their meaning-making, specifically whether privatisation should be our only route to human meaning. The paper concludes that the personal ‘missions’ that people bring to their employment may be accommodated in some parts of the business world where people are given freedom to pursue their own ‘projects’, but these are largely frustrated in the micro‐managed and re‐regulated regimes of the public sector. Indeed, without invoking some ‘golden age’, the sense of vocation, public duty and ‘caring professionalism’ that characterised the ‘top end’ and ‘backbone’ of the public sector is diminishing as large numbers begin to withdraw their ‘hearts and minds’ while implementing the mandates and missions of others. 相似文献
16.
Michael Shattock 《Higher Education Quarterly》2001,55(1):62-77
It is generally recognised that academic pay in the UK is no longer in line with market conditions. Although recent Government decisions have recognised the problem of uncompetitive salaries for a small number of internationally leading academics, there is no sign that the situation of the profession as a whole is likely to be tackled at Government level. The paper analyses the history of pay bargaining in the university sector since the Second World War, and argues that although national pay scales and national negotiating mechanisms may have worked to the benefit of the profession until the 1960s, during the last 20 years or more they have neither persuaded governments to reward the profession adequately, nor assisted the higher education system to manage salaries effectively with the limited resources available. The paper highlights the ambiguous role of the Committee of Vice Chancellors and Principals (CVCP), and more recently of the Universities and Colleges Employers' Association (UCEA), as both the employer of academic staff and their representative in salary negotiations with government; and identifies a basic failure on the part of universities and their representatives to come to terms with the consequences brought about by expansion and differentiation of the system and economic change. The paper argues that there is a need for much greater flexibility and the ending of the national bargaining machinery in order to take proper account of both institutional and disciplinary differences, and to uncouple academic and non-academic salaries. 相似文献
17.
The Meaning of a Teacher Education Reform: National story-telling and global trends in Sweden 总被引：1，自引：1，他引：0
GO¨RAN LINDE 《欧洲师范教育杂志》2003,26(1):109-122
A recent reform in Sweden's teacher education is presented. It is a liberal reform. The Government abstains from intervention in curriculum other than what are in the general regulations of Higher Education and in a Degree Ordinance for Teacher Education. In the Ordinance there are stated eight general goals and a basic framework for three areas of education, and how many credit points the students have to acquire in each of them. The reform is explained by the historical background of Sweden's teacher education development, from the special features of mentality formation of liberal minds in pluralistic societies and from the world-wide restructuring movement that implies less direct government intervention in public sector activities. 相似文献
18.
Emmanuel Botlhale 《Africa Education Review》2018,15(4):84-98
In developing countries, education is regarded as a public good that must be publicly provided. Due to the perceived positive correlation between education and development in development-hungry Africa, the education sector has, over the years, been receiving very generous budgetary allocations. Today, however, particularly post-2008, there are moves to re-define education as a private good, consequently, not deserving of public provision. As a result, there are persistent calls for alternative ways of providing education, particularly at tertiary levels. Similarly, in Botswana, there are developments that unmistakably suggest that the time is ripe for alternative ways of providing tertiary education, mainly, cost-sharing. To be sure, the Ministry of Education and Skills Development drastically cut sponsorships during the 2016/17 academic year. The general lesson from the Botswana case is that there is a need to continually interrogate the architecture of public expenditure. If problems are discovered, the architecture must be promptly reconfigured. 相似文献
19.
The present study analyses Finnish higher education steering system, management by results, from the perspective of higher education institutions. We ask what happens inside a higher education institution, called here the “Campus University”, during the actual negotiations related to the national steering system. We analyse not only the management by results as a steering system but pay close attention to the social space created by this managerial fad. The social space of the negotiations is constructed by different kinds of unofficial elements of social interaction; the physical space, the expected behaviour of the negotiators, the seating arrangements, the coffee servings, and the “small talk”. These elements of interaction are part of the polity of the negotiations and they are controlled by the chairperson of the negotiations. They form the modes of the social space of these negotiations. Therefore, the social space of the negotiations not only supports the hierarchical character of the ritual, but also makes it natural for the Rector to use power to allocate resources because s/he represents the institution. The analysis is based on qualitative and ethnographic methods of research. 相似文献
20.
The absence of data-based research on the collective bargaining movement is surprising given the potential significance of this issue to the academic community. The purpose of this study is to show that community colleges can be differentiated on the basis of the particular collective bargaining representative selected and, furthermore, that those affiliated with one bargaining representative are different from community colleges which are not affiliated with any bargaining representative. These institutional differences are presented and their implications for both the collective bargaining and community college movements are discussed. 相似文献