共查询到19条相似文献，搜索用时 125 毫秒
1.
黄黎洪 《衡阳师范学院学报》2014,(4):27-32
自20世纪80年代中期以来,越共在社会与经济领域所取得的政绩,已经成为其确立执政合法性的基石。越共确立革新路线,对越南的国内政治和外交政策产生了重大影响。与此同时,越南在日益融入不稳定全球经济秩序的进程中,不得不面对维持社会和经济可持续发展问题的挑战。 相似文献
2.
越共十一大的召开对于越南今后的发展具有重要的意义,越南今后改革的走向将是坚持革新开放路线,创造性地运用和发展马列主义;在大力发展经济的同时重视有效增长及可持续发展;理论建设将得到进一步加强;加强党的领导力与战斗力,进一步改善党和政府的管理;不断扩大和加强与各国及各国不同政党间的多样化关系;注重社会的和谐稳定发展。 相似文献
3.
潘金娥 《思想理论教育导刊》2010,(4)
即将于2011年1月召开的越共十一大,将是决定越南今后发展道路的一次重要会议.围绕越共十一大的相关议题,越南各方面都在为会议的召开作积极准备.为适应时代要求,2009年召开的越共十届十次中央会议通过了1991年(<社会主义过渡时期的国家建设纲领>的修改原则.越南的政治革新除进行行政改革外,还着力加强社会民主和监督机制的建设,加强党的建设以巩固越南共产党的执政地位.从越南改革的最新趋势来看,十一大以后,越南在坚持社会主义的发展方向、坚持共产党的领导的同时,实现社会主义的途径将有所变化. 相似文献
4.
腐败给越南带来诸多危害,损害了越共的国际形象,造成了重大经济损失。越共六大以后开始了反腐败的艰难历程,采取有效措施治理腐败,遏制腐败不断恶化的趋势,惩处了一大批腐败分子,巩固了党的执政基础,促进了经济的发展。 相似文献
5.
屈燕林 《蒙自师范高等专科学校学报》2007,5(4):7-10
主要对越南政治民主化建设的主要举措与存在的问题进行了初步的探讨。这一探讨的时间范围以越南实行"革新开放"以来的时期为限。事实上,越南的政治民主化建设正是在1986年越共"六大"以后才逐渐取得实质上的进展。 相似文献
6.
余富兆 《淮阴师范学院学报(哲学社会科学版)》2009,31(2):235-239
1975年越南实现了全国统一,开始在全国范围内推行战时体制与高度计划体制相结合的社会主义经济发展途径。1986年越共“六大”后开始全面革新与对外开放。全国统一30多年来,革新开放20多年来,越南在社会、政治、经济、文化等各个领域都有了很大的发展并取得了令人瞩目的成就。其文学在这30年里发生了明显的变化,及时地反映了当代越南人的心态世相。越南当代文学根据其发展可以分为1975-1985、1986-1991、1992年后三个阶段。1975-1985年是转型期,现实主义思潮复兴,悲剧意识、民间精神开始显现;1986—1991年是繁荣期,文学创作呈现多元化倾向;1992年后为稳步发展期,各种文艺思潮和创作方法在不断完善。 相似文献
7.
邓小平理论不仅提高了中共执政有效性，而且在多方面开辟了中共执政的意识形态合法性新资源：在重新恢复和确立党的解放思想、实事求是的思想路线过程中，开辟了共产主义意识形态合法性新资源；对“什么是社会主义、怎样建设社会主义”的新思考，从意识形态上提升了中国特色社会主义的合法性；确立了社会主义初级阶段理论，为我党制定正确的路线、方针政策，顺利实现“三步走”发展战略提供了科学的理论依据。 相似文献
8.
执政党要获得和巩固执政地位，必须拥有必要的执政资源。其中包括获得执政地位的合法性基础所需的合法性资源和巩固执政地位、贯彻政治纲领、维持其执行机构有效运作所需的运行资源。随着社会的不断变化，中国共产党的合法性资源和政治运行资源发生了变迁。在新世纪新阶段，党必须进行制度创新，对执政资源进行重组与整合，才能巩固执政地位。 相似文献
9.
越南虽然也是社会主义国家，然而我们对他的了解远远低于对发达国家的认识。在发展中国家里，越南的教育也是比较发达的。1986年12月．越南召开的“六大”，制定了革新路线，1991年的“七大”完善了革新路线，采取了一系列的深化革新开放的措施和步骤，使得越南的经济连续稳步增长，与此同时越南的教育也有了较大的发展．教育体系及内容有了相当大的变革，国民识字率达94％。随着国内经济体制从计划走向市场．越南政府开始重视职业技术教育。 相似文献
10.
1986年,越南在越共的领导下,走上了对外开放的道路,称之为“革新开放”。
从1986年到2006年间,越南凭借其廉价的劳动力,以及丰富的自然资源等天然优势,持续保持了7％左右的年均经济增长率,在亚洲仅次于中国。经济快速发展,让这个无论在领土面积还是人口数量上均不显眼的东南亚中等国家一举获得“亚洲小虎”的美誉。 相似文献
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PETER KENNEDY 《International Journal of Lifelong Education》2013,32(6):589-624
This article is concerned with the politics of lifelong learning policy in post‐1997 Hong Kong (HK). The paper is in four parts. Continuing Education, recast as ‘lifelong learning’, is to be the cornerstone of the post‐Handover education reform agenda. The lineaments of a familiar discourse are evident in the Education Commission policy documents. However, to view recent HK education policy just in terms of an apparent convergence with global trends would be to neglect the ways in which the discourse of lifelong learning has been tactically deployed to serve local political agendas. In the second part of this paper, I outline what Scott has called HK’s ‘disarticulated’ political system following its retrocession to China and attempts by an executive‐led administration to demonstrate ‘performance legitimacy’—through major policy reforms—in the absence of (democratic) political legitimacy. Beijing’s designation of HK as a (depoliticized) ‘economic’ city within greater China must also be taken into account. It is against this political background that the strategic deployment of a ‘lifelong learning’ discourse needs to be seen. In the third section of this paper, I examine three recent policy episodes to illustrate how lifelong learning discourse has been adopted and has evolved to meet changing circumstances in HK. Finally, I look at the issue of public consultation. The politics of education policy in HK may be seen to mirror at a micro‐level, the current macro‐level contested interpretations of HK’s future polity. 相似文献
13.
李亚男 《蒙自师范高等专科学校学报》2014,(3):1-5
20世纪70年代末到80年代末,中国对越政策发生了缓慢但是明显的变化。虽然中越双边关系在这一时期还没有步入正常化的轨道,但是中国方面对越南政策考虑的出发点和着眼点却经历了从全球战略向地区主义回归的过程,并通过柬埔寨问题的解决具体表现出来。促成政策调整的根本原因在于中国国内实行的改革开放政策对中越关系提出了新的要求,而调整后的中国对越南政策以地区主义为显著特征、以服务于国内的经济建设为目的,成为后冷战时期中国对越政策的起源,也为理解和把握改革开放时代中国外交的周边战略提供了一个同时具有地区特征与普遍意义的案例。 相似文献
14.
基于西藏特殊的政治、经济、宗教、人口、地理环境等原因,1985年,国家采取集中和分散相结合的原则,在内地省市为西藏办学。文章从教育政策价值分析的维度,探讨举办内地西藏班(校)教育政策的价值选择、合法性和有效性,从内地西藏班(校)的招生人数和毕业人数情况两方面探讨内地西藏班的办学价值,以期加深对内地西藏班(校)政策的认识。 相似文献
15.
Chinh Duc Nguyen 《Teacher Development》2019,23(2):174-191
Language teachers’ struggles for professional legitimacy have emerged as an area of interest in the field of language teaching research. Grounded in Wenger’s concept of ‘trajectories of learning’, the current study explored the fight for legitimate status of two primary school English language teachers in Vietnam. Data for this article were collected through life-history interviews in which the two participating teachers were encouraged to tell stories about the early days of their teaching careers. The findings of the study reveal that the participants struggled for professional legitimacy during the early stage of their teaching careers. Beyond the school setting, the two teachers encountered negative attitudes towards their teaching profession as teaching languages to young learners was not highly valued in society. Based on the findings, the study pointed to the issue of power relations which, although regarded as a barrier to teachers’ professional legitimacy, is not adequately addressed in the concept of ‘trajectories of learning’. The study also revealed some implications for legitimising language teachers’ professional status. 相似文献
16.
This article aims to understand how ethnicity is discursively framed in national policies in China and Vietnam and argues that policy discourses affect how the ‘problem’ of ethnicity and educational inequalities is framed and how these inequalities can be addressed. The analysis shows how both Marxist and market-economy governing rationalities frame ethnic minority groups as lower status than the majority group and in need of either socially evolving to the communist ideal or assimilating into the global economic market, respectively. Using Fraser’s multi-dimensional approach to analyse discursive formations of inequality, we show how these policy discourses produce a non-ethnic economic citizen with socialist tendencies that negates cultural or social recognition and political representation. We conclude that researchers and policymakers need to consider how ethnicity is discursively framed to understand and address inequalities. 相似文献
17.
《Higher Education Policy》1997,10(2):137-143
Many developing countries are in the process of restructuring their higher education system to meet their nation's socio-economic development. As their educational budget is not unlimited, working with international educational institutions has become one of the attractive solutions to improve the quality of their education and to make it relevant to meet their nation's educational demand for economic development. This paper identifies some key issues which have prevented the Vietnamese higher education system from serving effectively its country's open-door policy and provide necessary recommendations to help Vietnam overcome its short-comings and weaknesses. The issues identified together with recommendations, on the other hand, may help some educational policy makers from developed countries select their fields of assistance or cooperation as well as to establish their long term educational strategies to deal with developing countries such as Vietnam. 相似文献
18.
Diego Alonso Salazar-Morales 《教育政策杂志》2018,33(4):457-487
This article explains how after 43 years of unsatisfactory outcomes, the Ministry of Education of Peru (MoE) suddenly ranked at the top of governmental performance tables. To do so, this study relies on implementation and major discussions of policy instrument theories to provide a comprehensive explanation of the reasons underlying the MoE’s improvements. Methodologically, this research employs the mixed research methods paradigm. It combines process-tracing and regression analysis. The analyses show that the MoE underwent three major events in its route to achieve policy success. First, the approval of a long-term policy plan (National Educative Plan to 2021); second, the contentious legitimisation of governmental policies against Peru’s teachers’ union and its eventual defeat; and, third, the recentralisation of historically dispersed control functions in the MoE. The results indicate that upon the occurrence of these reforms, MoE’s bureaucrats could gain teachers’ legitimacy and eventually achieve complementarity of policy tools. In fact, the multiple regression analysis suggests positive and significant interdependence between the set of tools employed by MoE officers: parents’ voluntary monetary contribution to schools (sermon), economic incentives to outperform schools (carrots) and trimestral oversight of schools’ performance (sticks). Results also show that MoE’s tools are positively associated with satisfactory student-learning outcomes. 相似文献
19.
覃丽芳 《南宁职业技术学院学报》2010,15(3):33-36
随着越南经济持续快速发展,越来越多的越南人选择出国旅游。根据广西丰富的旅游资源,分析越南游客来广西旅游的现状,探讨吸引越南游客的对策,有利于促进广西与越南之间的交流合作,增强广西的国际影响力。 相似文献