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1.
It is well-documented that news media (both traditional and social) have a significant impact on intercultural relations in contemporary societies. This paper compares results of two surveys where we asked Australians about their news sources. The study shows that Australian news consumers from diverse cultural backgrounds are alienated from Australian mainstream news media, increasingly relying on online and social media sources for their information. The paper situates this empirical research in the contemporary articulation of uses and gratification theory to understand audiences’ preferred media sources for news and information and the potential implications for intercultural relations in Australia.  相似文献   

2.
Major channels of communication are examined for two major functions: providing news of the ethnic community, and linking ethnics to the “mother country.” The four major channels are: interpersonal channels (friends and neighbors), radio, local metropolitan daily newspapers, and ethnic-language newspapers. Size of ethnic group is linked to channel preference, and greater ethnicity is related to a preference for ethnic media for both functions. Lower SES ethnics lend to rely more on interpersonal communication and ethnic media, while higher SES ethnics turn more to metro media and magazines. Channel preference as indicated by respondents is also linked to actual usage patterns.  相似文献   

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4.
This research examines public opinions toward marginalized groups, applying the notion of multiple “senses of humor” as a filter in the process of opinion formation while controlling for the relative impact of media exposure on such opinions. A sample of 288 students at a large urban university responded to an online survey measuring a variety of public opinions, media use (including traditional, news, and interactive) variables, four senses of humor (disparagement, dark/arousal, incongruity, and social currency), and social locators, including political orientation. Results confirm that, in addition to social locators, senses of humor provide a viable set of predictors of public opinion about marginalized groups, clearly surpassing media use. Further, the senses of humor are found to be linked to political orientation, raising issues of the commonalities and origins of these critical filters of sociopolitical attitudes.  相似文献   

5.
ABSTRACT

Crime news was a media staple throughout the twentieth century. What Britons read, heard and watched shaped public understanding of crime, prompted police inquiries and initiated legislation. While we know much about the content of crime news and something of its reception, we know little about its production. This article addresses this known unknown. Using a unique police investigation into press reports of black marketeering and corruption in wartime Leeds, it reveals the investigative methods reporters used and the rules under which they operated.  相似文献   

6.
The current study examined whether adolescents' desired social distance from Syrian refugees is shaped by negative media representation about refugees through threat perception and prejudice. Participants consisted of 587 Turkish high (Mage = 14.81, SD = 0.97) and middle school (Mage = 12.19, SD = 1.01) students. Negative media perception was measured in different contexts: TV programs, news, newspapers/magazines, and social media. Adolescents' desired social distance from Syrian refugees was measured through their preference for how socially distant from a Syrian peer in their neighborhood and school they wished to be. Perceived threat and prejudice were examined as possible mediators of the relationship between media exposure and discrimination. Results showed that more negative media representation was related to perceived threat and greater prejudice, which led to greater desired social distance from refugees. Findings provide important implications about how media can be an important tool in shaping intergroup attitudes towards Syrian refugees during adolescence.  相似文献   

7.
The purpose of this study was to investigate factors that predict acculturative stress in a nationally representative sample of Latino migrants. The participants in this study were 2059 Latinos. Among them were 868 Mexicans, 577 Cubans and 614 other Latinos. The subcategory other Latinos consisted of immigrants and refugees from Colombia, the Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Ecuador, Guatemala, Honduras, Peru and Nicaragua. The participants took part in face-to-face interviews, which were conducted with computer-assisted interviewing software in Spanish and English. Findings revealed that acculturative stress decreases with an increase in the English proficiency index, the context of migration exit index, and the social network index. Furthermore, acculturative stress was lower for US citizens versus non-citizens; immigrants who wanted to migrate to the US versus refugees who had to leave their country of origin; and later generation immigrants. Acculturative stress increases with a higher native language proficiency index and a higher discrimination index.  相似文献   

8.
The study examined media coverage of Israeli citizens convicted of committing political crimes against the state in order to determine how the media portrays such perpetrators, ultimately to discern what these framing choices suggest about citizens involved in political crimes. In contrast to external acts of political crime for which the explanation provided by the media is clear, mainly that the perpetrator, “the other,” is evil and acting against “us,” this study found that when the perpetrator is “one of us” there is a profound need in the media to find a multidimensional explanation for the act. This study found that the Israeli media applies a personalized news frame to portray each of “our” criminals differently and explain their motivations to the public.  相似文献   

9.
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10.
ABSTRACT

This article explores popular media as resources for judgment in how settled migrants in Europe imagine solidarities toward newer arrivals seeking entry into the region. It discusses the news and entertainment consumption of Filipino nurses in London and how this figures in their imaginary of social and political bonds with refugees. Drawing on ethnographic interviews, I argue that these Filipino migrants can only articulate a compromised solidarity: one fractured between empathy with refugees and concern about what these newer arrivals might mean for settled migrants in the city. I then explain how the media contribute to this fracturing. One way is that the xenophobia in popular media content on social media leads the Filipinos to assert their difference with other migrants, including refugees. A second is that the Filipinos deploy popular media content, especially on British television, to assert that they belong to UK society more than other migrants, again including refugees.  相似文献   

11.
《Popular Communication》2013,11(2):117-136
After the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center in New York City, media pundits summoned the memory of Joe Rosenthal's classic "Flag Raising on Iwo Jima" photograph, comparing it to a new image of a flag raising at Ground Zero, where the attacks occurred. Such use of an iconic photograph reflects a widely-held belief: Photographs have a direct and powerful effect on public consciousness. However, this powerful effects approach has not been supported by empirical evidence. By examining how media have encoded Rosenthal's photograph with cultural meaning, and by conducting surveys of audience recognition and interpretation of the photograph both before and after September 11, 2001, this study systematically explores how meaning and identity can be constructed through media uses and audience interpretations of a single news photograph.  相似文献   

12.
Apart from direct contact, people also familiarize themselves with other groups through indirect information. For example, as previous studies have revealed, indirect information on personality traits of outgroup members have influences on intergroup attitudes. Extending existing work, the current study specifically examined the effects of such indirect information on people’s endorsement of multiculturalism, a set of attitudes regarding the attainment of harmonious coexistence among diverse cultural groups. Based on the Stereotype Content Model, two experiments were conducted to investigate how media coverage and social consensus information about moral, social and competence-related traits of foreign residents in China would affect local people’s endorsement of multiculturalism. In experiment 1, when participants learned from the news that foreigners in China possessed high competence, they expressed more appreciation towards the cultural diversity that foreigners brought to the local society, but less support for foreign residents maintaining their own cultural traditions. In experiment 2, participants who learned that other local people perceived foreign residents as having high sociability, morality or competence showed more appreciation towards cultural diversity and more support for maintaining such diversity. Furthermore, in both experiments, perceived anxiety played a mediating role in how indirect trait-related information affected local people’s support for maintaining cultural diversity. Lastly, possible explanations for some unexpected findings and implications for future research are discussed.  相似文献   

13.
By covering underrepresented areas in the world, Al Jazeera English (AJE) can facilitate intercultural understanding among Americans. However, AJE is not widely available on television in the United States. Further, many Americans hold pre-formed suspicions of the channel. Through an online experiment, we find that pre-reception audience bias against AJE exists and correlates with prejudice against Arab Americans, limiting its conciliatory potential. However, Americans can change their views toward AJE depending on how it is covered by other media, or what we call “intermedia framing,” including both satiric soft news and hard news. An experiment finds that satiric news coverage decreases anti-Arab American prejudice and, when combined with exposure to AJE, elevates evaluations of the network.  相似文献   

14.
The research in this article examines audience responses to a range of factual and reality genres. It takes as a starting point that television audiences do not experience news or documentary or reality TV in isolation but as part of a range of factual and reality programmes. Factual and reality programming includes a broad understanding of non-fictional programming on broadcast television, satellite, cable and digital television. The breakdown of factual and reality programming into specific genres includes news, current affairs, documentary, and reality programmes, with further sub genres applied within each of these categories. This article critically examines genre evaluation. The quantitative research in this article is based on two national representative surveys conducted in Britain and Sweden. In both Britain and Sweden, programme makers have moved towards a reliance on popular factual genres. In Britain this is across all channels, and in Sweden this is mainly concentrated on commercial channels. Whilst there is still a commitment to news, there is an increasing use of hybrid genres in an attempt to popularise factual output. The impact of this changing generic environment on audiences is that in both countries viewers have reacted by drawing a line between traditional and contemporary factual genres. It is precisely because of the redrawing of the factual map that viewers rely on traditional ways of evaluating genres as public and informative, or popular and entertaining. The data provides evidence that contributes to existing debate on television genre, public service broadcasting, and media literacy skills. The central argument in this article is that genre evaluation is connected with wider socio-cultural discourses on public service broadcasting and popular culture, and that these are common social and cultural values that are shared by national audiences in two Northern European countries.  相似文献   

15.
ABSTRACT

In this article, I combine theorizations of the selfie as an aesthetic and technological practice of digital self-representation with a theatrical conception of spectatorship, inspired by Adam Smith, in order to argue that the selfie has the potential to operate as a significant ethico-political spectacle in the spaces of Western publicity. I exemplify my argument by using the remediation of migrant and refugee selfies in mainstream news as a case study of “symbolic bordering”—as a technology of power that couples the geopolitical bordering of migrants in the outskirts of Europe with practices of “symbolic bordering” that appropriate, marginalize, or displace their digital testimonies in Western news media.  相似文献   

16.
Drawing from data collected through classroom observations and in-depth interviews, this article describes and analyzes practices identified as culturally responsive by Latinos students in an urban, multiethnic/racial context. The findings suggest that culturally responsive pedagogy must be more broadly conceptualized to address the cultural identities of students who have complex identities because of their experiences with peers of many varied identities, those whose urban roots have resulted in hybrid identities, and those who are multiethnic/multiracial. Based on these findings, the article forwards the concept of “cultural connectedness” as a framework for practicing a non-essentializing, dynamic approach to culturally responsive pedagogy that acknowledges the hybrid nature of culture and identity.  相似文献   

17.
ABSTRACT

This article identifies the visual representation of Europe’s “refugee crisis” in the media as a key dimension of the communicative architecture of the crisis and its aftermath. Effectively, it argues, the powerful, even iconic, imagery that the media produced and shared during the 2015 “crisis” affirmed ideological frames of incompatible difference, perpetually dividing European citizens and refugees. The article focuses on some of the fundamental elements of the 2015 crisis’s visual grammar to demonstrate how they have (re-)produced popular fears of strangeness and the need for containment and control of foreign bodies. This visual grammar, we argue, imitated and procreated recognizable representations of popular culture to exaggerate newcomers’ strangeness and incompatible difference from the national subject. On the one hand, many news media simulated zombies’ threatening strangeness in images of refugee massification; on the other, many news media images reaffirmed the decisive power of the national subject over refugees’ fate, not unlike the video game player who unilaterally controls a game and takes action when confronted by zombies. This grammar, we argue, symbolically predetermines encounters between citizens and refugees, by emphasizing their incompatible difference and newcomers’ strangeness.  相似文献   

18.
The popular communication media provide a site where the contradictions between conservative and progressive cultural ideologies about sexuality (and concomitantly about power, gender, and social control) are enacted within an endless series of narratives. These narratives fulfill the economic requirements of the culture industries by an increasing focus on the sexual, including sexualities outside the mainstream. This seemingly progressive move is undermined by a variety of strategies, either within narrative outcomes or at the level of production. Such strategies offer a conservative reading that highlights the negative consequences of sexual insubordination. In the meantime, the popular press provides a platform for conservative ideologues who write about sexuality in the media without the benefit of serious research or expertise. They influence public policy while we in the academy are reluctant to seek a popular venue to discuss our work.  相似文献   

19.
Abstract

(Transnationalized) popular culture and (global) social movement are often seen as unrelated, if not mutually exclusive. Popular culture is entertaining, consensual but trivial; social movement is serious, idealized and oppositional. Yet the WTO Ministerial Conference, held in Hong Kong in December 2005, saw the Korean protesters' adoption of the theme‐song of a popular Korean television drama, Daejanggeum, as their protest strategy. The Korean protesters had been framed by mainstream Hong Kong media as ‘violent rioters’, but the inclusion of the drama elements helped the protesters advance their cause by gaining instant rapport with the local Hong Kong news media and public/fans (of Korean wave). The impact of celebrity involvement in the WTO was also about an immediate transferal of fan affect, from celebrities to the movement, and to the Korean protesters. This ‘affect mobilization’, becomes important as movement capital, as the effective manipulation of emotions is a key to ‘getting the message across’ as movement strategies. The case of WTO Hong Kong reveals the possibility of a symbiotic relationship between transnational popular culture and globalized social movements. The ‘use’ of (Korean) popular cultural products enriches and complicates the affect subjectivities within the social movement, and arranges fan affect into multiple layers of emotion hierarchies/spheres. It remains to be seen, however, if this would set a precedence to protesters in future WTO rounds as they are keen to mobilize their causes in different locales. More research is needed, too, to demonstrate if the success of the Korean wave fosters the emergence of a transnational Asian ‘public’ or civil society. Yet, for now, the success of Korean protesters in the mobilization of Hong Kong public's affect epitomizes the hegemonic flow, or soft power, of Korean TV dramas in the Asian popular.  相似文献   

20.
ABSTRACT

The Women’s March, held on January 21, 2017, the day after Donald Trump’s inauguration as President of the United States, made news across the world as a surprisingly powerful current event that signaled possible political and social futures. Yet this event was also threaded with the past. This essay examines the uses and constructions of memory in the marches and their mediation, drawing on news and social media coverage, on my own on-site experience at the Washington, DC, march, and interdisciplinary scholarship that may provide theoretical context for understanding the event’s nature and lasting importance. It considers the rhetorical and material memory work, on the ground, of both the official ceremonies and the marchers’ more vernacular expressions, as well as the complex interplay of mediation, resulting in definitions of the event as historic in its own right and as a map for the future.  相似文献   

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