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1.
Tianlong Yu 《Equity & Excellence in Education》2013,46(4):325-333
This article examines the political rationale of the “model minority” stereotype about Asian Americans and its ramifications on education. Created by white elites in the 1960s as a device of political control, the model minority stereotype continues to serve the larger conservative restoration in American society today. By over-emphasizing Asian American success and misrepresenting it as proof of the perceived equal opportunity in American society, proponents of the stereotype downplay racism and other structural problems Asians and other minority groups continue to suffer. The theory that Asians succeed by merit (strong family, hard work, and high regard for education) is used by power elites to silence the protesting voices of racial minorities and even disadvantaged Whites and to maintain the status quo in race and power relations. In education, the model minority thesis has always supported conservative agendas in school reform. Now it goes hand in hand with the meritocracy myth and promotes educational policy that emphasizes accountability, standards, competition, and individual choice, while trivializing social conditions of schooling and unequal educational opportunities facing different student groups. It is the responsibility of educators to deconstruct the “model minority” stereotype and any other stereotypes or myths prevailing in education discourse, and seriously challenge racism, class division, and other structural problems. Social justice and equality must become a guiding principle for school reform and educational policy. 相似文献
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3.
Michael J. Dumas 《理论付诸实践》2016,55(1):11-19
I argue that analyses of racial(ised) discourse and policy processes in education must grapple with cultural disregard for and disgust with blackness. This article explains how a theorization of antiblackness allows one to more precisely identify and respond to racism in education discourse and in the formation and implementation of education policy. I contend that deeply embedded within racialized policy discourses is not merely a concern about disproportionality or inequality, but also a concern with the bodies of Black people, the signification of (their) Blackness, and the threat posed by the Black to the educational well-being of other students. Using school (de)segregation as an example, I demonstrate how policy discourse is informed by antiblackness, and consider what an awareness of antiblackness means for educational policy and practice. 相似文献
4.
Matthew Houdek 《Quarterly Journal of Speech》2018,104(3):279-306
I theorize how the common sense of racialized violence, manifest in public discourse, is engendered by the rhetorical process of racial sedimentation. This meaning-making process fashions a seemingly legitimate text from a reservoir of historically deposited fragments that congeal in response to racial crises as a means of explaining away the threat to the racial status quo and burying critical counterdiscourses. I demonstrate this sedimentation process by analyzing both the dominant and vernacular discourses that emerged in response to eight black churches that were burned in a ten-day period following the June 2015 AME church massacre. I also consider how these vernacular rhetorics mobilize fugitive fragments from what Karma Chávez calls the “undercommonsense” to form a survival discourse and what possibilities those radical (from Latin radix, “root”) meaning-making practices may hold. This essay advances communication studies scholarship by connecting discursive approaches to race and racism with rhetorical scholarship on fragmentation, ideology, and public memory. It offers a vocabulary for confronting civil society’s material rhetorics that mask the material realities of racism and racial oppression, and calls for rhetoricians to take seriously the common-sense racism that perpetuates these dynamics and how it might be revised or contested. 相似文献
5.
ABSTRACTPolicy elites use rhetoric in speeches and press releases to provide framing that is intended to influence public opinion. These rhetorical events can be treated as instances in which speech usefully promotes particular discourses. Indeed, elected officials are able to influence how individuals think about problems and solutions through speeches and press releases. Two important rhetorical events in which political elites advance frames for social issues are annual state of the state addresses (SoSA) given by U.S. governors and gubernatorial press releases that inform media reporting about state policy. This study employed policy discourse and rhetorical analyses to examine SoSAs and press releases as rhetorical events within the context of educational policy. Our findings show that governors framed the roles of state government, governors, and educational stakeholders within a discourse that perpetuates a neoliberal version of education. In this framing, governors situated education’s purpose as being workforce and economic development, ignoring its role in addressing social issues and preparing informed, engaged participants for democratic society. Given that individuals make decisions about how to address social issues and understand public institutions based on framing provided by political elites, these findings raise implications for state educational policies and the public purposes of education. 相似文献
6.
Eva Reimers 《Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education》2014,35(4):540-553
Drawing on post-structural perspectives and analysis of television programs on education, the article investigates the public educational discourse in Sweden. It shows how a dominant neoliberal educational discourse is articulated together with a discourse of equal education, where the two discourses influence and subvert each other so that neither becomes totally hegemonic. Taking as its point of departure the neoliberal emphasis on the individual, especially as it relates to school choice and to the significance of class for educational success, the analysis focuses on the constitution of classed positions. The study reveals constitutions of class in which race, place, gender, economy and agency are intertwined, such that the schools and the students are attributed both different statuses and different subject positions in terms of future economic trajectories. The conclusions drawn are that, in the public conversation about the organization and goal of compulsory education, it is important to be aware of the discursive and political contexts in which the discussions take place. It is also important to realize that class matters in the educational assemblage in the form of economic subjectivities constituted in a web of intersecting notions about differing preconditions and outcomes of education. 相似文献
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Noah De Lissovoy 《Educational Studies A Journal of the American Educational Studies Association》2016,52(4):346-362
Starting from the contemporary critical-theoretical notion of an objective violence that organizes social reality in capitalism, including processes of systemic racism, as well as from phenomenological inquiries into processes of race and identity, this article explores the relationship between racism and reasonableness in education and society. The category of the reasonable connects the content of particular propositions with the inner truth of the form of thought. At the same time, the reasonable refers to what can be legitimated not only intellectually but practically and morally. I describe how the force of this category, working through neoliberal modalities of appropriation and penality, is an anchor for persistent processes of racial oppression in educational policy and curriculum. Furthermore, if the reasonable is a central figure for ideology, then a kind of thinking that would break with it will show up in the first instance as unreasonable. Thus, I argue that critical pedagogy in the present needs to start from a different and “unreasonable” reason. In addition, taking its cue from interventions by radical educators and students, critical teaching needs to challenge the dominative decorum that forces dialogue on race and racism into the narrow spaces—both material and discursive—of the given. 相似文献
8.
Laura E. Hernández 《Peabody Journal of Education》2016,91(1):47-63
As schools face growing competitive pressures, researchers have investigated the increasing reliance on marketing and its implications for various racial and socioeconomic groups. Although research has expanded our knowledge of marketing's gatekeeping qualities, it has less often considered the manner in which school marketing efforts contribute to broader, social understandings of race and the characterization of racial groups. Because marketing has historically played a pivotal role in the construction of race and racial identity in American society, this exploratory study considers if and how racial identities are configured in the marketing materials of two prominent charter management organizations (CMOs). Employing critical discourse analysis, this study suggests that the focal CMOs employ a racial discourse characterized by indirect racial references that are supplemented with negative depictions of the communities and racial groups they serve. I argue that the focal CMOs’ racial discourse contributes to the reification of colorblindness, the dominant racial frame that characterizes the manner in which many understand race and race relations. This paper concludes with a discussion of the implications of the CMOs’ espousal of color blindness in their marketing materials, noting how the discursive obfuscation of race affects the manner in which educational leaders imagine educational solutions and neglects the continued and unique impact that race has in everyday lives. 相似文献
9.
作为一名演说家,美国总统奥巴马在一系列的演讲中展现了他精湛的演说能力。2012年11月7日,奥巴马总统发表了名为"最好的时代尚未到来"的连任胜选演说。在这次出色的演说中,他通过巧妙的运用语言艺术,征服了所有的听众。试图从认知的角度,着重以ICM理论为指导,对奥巴马总统2012年连任胜选演说词内在的语言特点进行认知解读,旨在为英语演说词的研究提供一个新的理论视角。 相似文献
10.
Eric Freeman 《Equity & Excellence in Education》2013,46(3):190-199
Race is the social expression of power and privilege, and new racial configurations take shape in conjuction with alterations in the political economy of American society. This article examines the relationship of educational policy to the emergence of a new conception of racism that has appeared in the post-civil rights era: colorblind racism. Colorblind policies are championed as fair and just, congruent with the egalitarian aspirations of the Civil Rights Movement that culminated in the passage of the Civil Rights Act in 1964. In rendering invisible the salience of race, the goal of colorblindness is to make advantage appear as a logical consequence of the natural order of things. The non-recognition of race as a form of political power tacitly enables the colorblind ideal to steer education policy toward the reinforcement of the dominant culture as the norm and the maintenance of hegemonic social arrangements. The insinuation of colorblindness into the culture of educational policymaking, and of No Child Left Behind in particular, suggests that substantive educational restructuring may not be part of the nation's racial agenda. 相似文献
11.
Elena Minina 《教育政策杂志》2017,32(2):176-197
Employing the analytical framework of a discourse-driven social change, this paper unpacks the neoliberal concept of ‘educational quality’ in the course of Russian education modernisation reform from 1991 to 2013. Since the early 1990s, the global neoliberal discourse has served as the backbone for post-Soviet educational ideology. Alongside other major reform initiatives, the ‘quality revolution,’ proclaimed by the Russian Government in the early 1990s, signified a rhetoric shift away from the Soviet-era quality control towards a neoliberal quality assurance paradigm. Through fine-grained textual analysis of policy documents and political statements by key educational stakeholders, the analysis unpacks the discursive underbelly of the new quality paradigm, in an attempt to determine whether a paradigmatic transformation has taken place. The paper argues that despite the nominally proclaimed shift towards a quality assurance model of educational governance, the representation of educational stakeholders and responsibilities within the new quality paradigm continues to correspond to the Soviet-era command-and-control authoritarian model. The study challenges the popular claim of a neoliberal turn in Russian education and suggests that a neoconservative authoritarian approach to education governance has been smuggled in under the disguise of ‘quality assurance.’ 相似文献
12.
Jenny Williams 《British Journal of Sociology of Education》1986,7(2):135-154
Throughout most of the 1960s there was considerable optimism among education policy makers that schools could foster equality of opportunity: could mitigate social class disparities in educational achievements. During the 1980s a growing number of local education authorities have produced policy documents which are designed to remedy racism, ‘racial’ inequalities and ‘racial’ disparities in achievements. This article argues that these more recent initiatives mirror very clearly the earlier, class based, definitions of problems, explanatory paradigms and policy recommendations. It suggests that the racialisation of structural inequalities, the politicisation of ‘race’ issues locally and the contradictions generated by four particular crises of legitimacy within education provide the context within which antiracist policies can be understood. It asks what lessons can be learned from the demise and failure of earlier class‐based education policies. 相似文献
13.
Keffrelyn D. Brown 《Peabody Journal of Education》2018,93(1):106-120
The rapidly changing landscape of 21st-century education has sparked intense conversations around the need for a more racially and ethnically diverse PK–12 teacher population. Drawing from critical race theory and racial formation, I describe findings from a qualitative case study that examined how a group of black millennial preservice teachers understand race and racism. Findings from the study illuminate that race and racism continue to hold relevance for the participants, even as they recognized generational differences in how these issues operate in past and present social relations. Additionally, as the participants express both sophisticated and simplistic understandings about racism, social media and university spaces allow students to expand their knowledge about race and racism. 相似文献
14.
Aminkeng Atabong Alemanji Boby Mafi 《Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research》2018,62(2):186-199
In doing antiracism education there is a risk that it can in effect reinforce the very racialisation it is supposed to fight against. This paradox becomes a formidable challenge given the ubiquity of race in contemporary ways of knowing and ways of being for both its subjects and its objects: more so in an era of “racism without race,” a neoliberal attempt to move beyond racism without fully coming to terms with racial histories and their accompanying racialising consequences. This study examines the challenges of doing antiracism education within a multiculturalist framework using the case of KYTKE, a non-governmental organisation project in upper-secondary schools in Finland. We argue that when antiracism education fails to critically examine power relations in established traditions and knowledge or when it does not genuinely prioritise knowledge generated through the creative resistance of racialised groups, it can participate in re-inscribing racialised social relations. 相似文献
15.
Jeong‐eun Rhee 《Educational theory》2013,63(6):561-580
Combining the conceptual approach of racial formation and racial projects with the Foucauldian concept of governmentality, Jeong‐eun Rhee theorizes the “neoliberal racial project” (NRP) and examines contemporary meanings and operations of race and racism in relation to neoliberalism. She analyzes Amy Chua's popular parenting memoir, Battle Hymn of the Tiger Mother, as a specific case of the NRP, and demonstrates how in this text race is pressed to work in new — neoliberal — ways, re/generating different kinds of categories and meanings, yet also continuously drawing upon old categories and meanings, to effect and rationalize social arrangements of power and exploitation, violence and expropriation. What is noteworthy is the way in which racial neoliberalism builds silently on the structural conditions of racism while disabling the very categories of their recognizability. Consequently, Rhee argues for new, historically bounded theories that can articulate how the meanings, categories, and concepts of races are constantly being reconfigured. 相似文献
16.
This article presents a discourse analysis of President Ronald Reagan’s 1983 State of the Union Address. Focusing on questions of scale, the article considers how and with what effects Reagan reconstructs education as a local, state, national and global endeavour. It is argued that by situating education in a competitive global economy, Reagan justifies his project of rolling back social/educational programmes and placing the USA’s institutions more squarely in service to capitalist growth. Furthermore, it is argued that Reagan’s efforts to rescale education and society contribute to a New Right project of re-establishing a white-dominated racial order in the USA and around the world. Although Reagan did not prioritise education in his domestic agenda, his statements on education advanced the New Right’s project of rescaling society and set the terms of debate in education for subsequent presidents. 相似文献
17.
Set in the context of a teacher education program, this study examined how three White pre-service teachers participate in book club discussions of children’s literature. We asked: When White pre-service teachers are in a context that enables talk about race, racism and anti-racism, what do they talk about? What conceptual and discursive tools do they use? We were guided by these questions, along with theoretical perspectives of racial literacy, multicultural discourses and a form of critical discourse analysis referred to as ‘positive discourse analysis’ or ‘reconstructive discourse analysis’. Our analysis illustrates that the participants held two questions, what constitutes racism and what makes a person a White ally, without firm resolution in the form and function of their talk. Their discourses illustrate that racial literacy involves what teachers say and also a willingness to stand in the space of indeterminacy, which may create space for new social positions. We argue for a continued theorization of critical discourse analysis alongside of racial literacy and multicultural discourses. 相似文献
18.
Gerald Grace 《教育政策杂志》2013,28(6):855-857
This article reflects on the desire to defend and claim public education amidst the educational policy effects of contemporary neoliberal politics. The defence of public education, from schools to higher education, undoubtedly provides a powerful counter-veiling weight to the neoliberal policy logic of education-as-individual-value-accrual. At a time of intense global policy reform centred on marketisation in education, the public education institutions of the post-war welfare state are often characterised as being lost, attacked, encroached upon and dismantled. In this paper, I contend it is important to avoid mobilising a memory of public educational pasts that do not account for their failings and inequalities. Turning to a historical engagement with the emergence of neoliberal politics, the paper explores how challenges and contestations surrounding ‘the public’ from multiple standpoints converged in the rise of neoliberalism. Recognition of these convergences and contestations, I suggest, assists to provide a more nuanced account of the relationship between neoliberal reform and the welfare state, and thus of the complex task of imagining, claiming and working towards a just and equitable public education. 相似文献
19.
We discuss the results of a study of Russian educational policy from the late 1980s to the early 2000s in connection with the emerging trends of educational inequality in the field of K–12 education. A statistical analysis of data on educational organizations, content analysis of documents, and a review of legislation and materials collected during expert interviews all show that the public policy of universal equality of educational opportunities that was declared throughout the period under review in practice was not provided with any legal or organizational support. At the same time, the implemented components of the liberal and neoliberal approaches in educational administration led to the growth of educational inequality (by stratifying schools by their level of resource provision and the quality of educational outcomes). At the same time, the economic and social conditions in post-Soviet Russia had a significant impact on the nature and practical effect of these components of administrative policy. This process has revealed the specifics of the Russian experience of neoliberal reforms in K–12 education and their adverse impact on educational inequality. 相似文献
20.
刘东燕 《齐齐哈尔师范高等专科学校学报》2012,(2):75-76
美国总统奥巴马的演讲极富感染力,文章以奥巴马针对击毙恐怖分子本.拉登所发表演讲为例,运用系统功能语法,从及物性、情态、人称代词、修辞等方面,分析其成功演讲的语言特色,探索系统功能语法在分析演讲语篇中的可操作性和实用性。 相似文献