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1.
Viewing a hostile media bias against one’s group (e.g., political party) is a perceptual effect of media use. When it comes to the portrayal of political parties in the United States, prior research suggests that both Democrats and Republicans see mainstream media coverage as favoring the other side, regardless of the orientation of the political news coverage. Although prior research has not identified all factors that make this perceptual bias more likely, or at explaining how or why this perceptual effect occurs, we do know that it is related to one’s group identity. In this study, we examined salient predictors of hostile media bias during the 2012 presidential campaign. Individual (i.e., political cynicism) and group identity related (i.e., group status, intergroup bias, political ideology) differences of media users predicted such perceptions. But, the medium selected for political information about the campaign also mattered. The use of two media in particular—TV and social networking sites—appear to have blunted hostile media bias perceptions, whereas the use of two other media—radio and video sharing sites—appear to have accentuated perceptions that the media were biased against one’s party 相似文献
2.
Masahiro Yamamoto Matthew James Kushin Francis Dalisay 《Mass Communication and Society》2017,20(2):149-168
To examine the role of social media use in the process of political disaffection, a web survey of young adults was conducted prior to the 2012 U.S. presidential election. Results showed that the positive relationship between cynicism and apathy was weaker for respondents who paid greater attention to social media for political information. Also, the indirect relationship between cynicism and apathy through external political efficacy was weaker for those who paid greater attention to social media for political information. We discuss implications for the role of social media in political disaffection. 相似文献
3.
A random telephone survey (N=582) of Washington state voters conducted in November 1994 examines relationships among mass media use, specific aspects of political disaffection, political efficacy and participation. Results suggest that negativism toward media campaign coverage reduces media use and that cynicism toward the political system reduces political efficacy. Negativism and media use also are negatively related to cynicism. Contrary to concerns expressed by some scholars and journalists concerning the negative impact of superficial media coverage on political participation, however, mass media use positively predicts voting behavior. In addition, negativism toward campaign tactics appears unrelated to political participation. 相似文献
4.
The effects of new communication technologies on election campaigns, and the effectiveness of media-centered campaign strategies more broadly, remain ongoing subjects for debate in political science. This study provides some of the first empirical evidence about the potential impact of social media on the 2012 U.S. presidential elections, by testing the association between “candidate salience” and the candidates' level of engagement in online social media sphere. We define “candidate salience” as the extent to which candidates are discussed online by the public in an election campaign, and have selected the number of mentions presidential candidates receive on the social media site, Twitter, as means of quantifying their salience. This strategy allows us to examine whether social media, which is widely recognized as disruptive in the broader economic and social domains, has the potential to change the traditional dynamics of U.S. election campaigns. We find that while social media does substantially expand the possible modes and methods of election campaigning, high levels of social media activity on the part of presidential candidates have, as of yet, resulted in minimal effects on the amount of public attention they receive online. 相似文献
5.
Chang Sup Park 《广播与电子媒介杂志》2015,59(4):698-716
This study assesses differences in use of social networking sites (SNSs) and relates them to different patterns of political participation, media use motivations, and political efficacy. Based on a Web survey of 1,230 South Korean voters, it finds that informational uses of SNSs are positively associated with expressive participation both online and offline, but not with collective participation. The use of SNSs for social interaction purposes was associated only with online expressive participation. Recreational uses had a negative or insignificant relationship with expressive and collective participation. Political efficacy moderated the impact of social interaction uses of SNSs on expressive participation both online and offline. The findings suggest that the political impact of SNSs is mostly limited to expressive participation and dependent upon users' motivations. 相似文献
6.
By studying candidates’ Facebook fan pages and rolling poll data during the Hong Kong Legislative Council election in 2016, this article aims at examining the relationships between candidates’ campaign performance on social media, electoral momentum, and vote shares. We contend that, under specific contextual conditions, social media campaigns could affect candidates’ momentum during the election period, which can in turn affect vote shares. We also examine how the relationships between social media performance and electoral momentum vary according to the candidates’ background characteristics, including age, political affiliation, incumbency status, and scale of the campaign of the political group to which the candidates belong. The results show that candidates’ social media performance can indeed predict vote shares indirectly via the mediation of electoral momentum. The predictive power of social media performance is stronger for pro-democracy candidates, incumbents, and candidates belonging to political groups with larger election campaigns. 相似文献
7.
William L. Benoit 《Communication Studies》2013,64(3):274-295
This study applied the Functional Theory of Political Campaign Discourse to 118 political advertisements (television spots, newspaper ads, direct mail, and WWW pages) from 1998. Acclaims (self‐praise; positive statements) were the most common function (84%), followed by attacks (criticism, negative statements; 15%). Defenses (refutation of attacks) were relatively infrequent (1%). There were some differences by medium (WWW pages had the most acclaims, while television spots had the most attacks; no defenses occurred on WWW pages or in direct mail) but these functions are consistent both across media and with prior research on presidential campaign advertising. Incumbents produced more acclaims than challengers, who attacked more than incumbents. Finally, policy utterances were more common than character utterances in all media but www pages. The overall consistency in Junctions and topics across media and across levels of campaigns (presidential and non‐presidential) strongly suggests the existence of important situational influences on political campaign advertising. These findings can be useful for practitioners, theorists, and critics of campaign discourse. 相似文献
8.
Patrícia Silva António F. Tavares Tiago Silva Mariana Lameiras 《Government Information Quarterly》2019,36(3):469-479
This article explores the determinants of local governments' use of social networking sites. It does so by analysing the relative impact of institutional, political and social determinants, while controlling for the impact of mayors' traits and social characteristics of municipalities on local governments levels of activity on Facebook. Empirically, this article presents a within-case analysis of Portuguese municipalities' activity on social media, aiming to shed light on the strategic use of social media by local governments. A coherent picture associated with politically pro-active local governments emerges from the results: higher levels of social media activity appear in municipalities with more competitive local elections and higher commitment to transparency. Moreover, findings suggest that local governments tend to be concerned with the low levels of voter turnout, potentially resorting to social media as a powerful tool to increase civic engagement and (offline) political participation. Levels of Facebook activity are significantly higher in larger and wealthier municipalities. The results indicate that Facebook official pages of municipalities are part of a larger arsenal of tools to promote political engagement and activity levels signal a propensity to involve citizens pro-actively. 相似文献
9.
This online survey conducted at a public university in the Northwest (N = 434) examines the influence of political involvement, information source attention, and online political discussion on young adults’ political efficacy. A factor analysis indicated that political information sources loaded into three factors including conventional and online hard news media such as newspapers, opinion and social media such as blogs or social networking websites, and public affairs websites including government and candidate websites. A path analysis revealed significant differences in their association with online political expression and external efficacy. As an entry point in the theoretical model, involvement in public affairs positively associated with attention to political information sources, online political expression, and external political efficacy. Attention to hard news and to public affairs websites positively predicted political efficacy. Attention to online opinion and social media and to public affairs websites positively predicted online political expression. 相似文献
10.
[目的/意义]研究学术社交网络中图情领域用户的真实利用水平与特征,有助于指导图情学科合理利用学术社交网络开展学术交流并提升学科影响力。[研究设计/方法]以ResearchGate(RG)为例,在核实用户身份信息的基础上筛选出iSchools全职教学研究人员为真实样本用户,通过对机构真实用户参与度、高质量用户比及其它RG交互利用指标数据的挖掘,分析揭示iSchools成员真实利用学术社交网络的现状,并基于机构和个体视角比较分析不同群体的真实利用特征。[结论/发现]图情领域用户对RG的真实基础利用程度有限,尽管全职教学研究人员已经成为iSchools在RG上的高质量用户,但其对平台的利用效果依然不足;男性和北美iSchools全职教学研究人员等较低真实用户参与度的用户群体可能表现出更为充分的交互利用行为,而交互利用指标能够较好的映射诸如用户职称级别、机构层级所反映的学术影响力差异。[创新/价值]基于iSchools全职教学人员用户身份的核实,揭示机构整体真实利用状况和个体真实利用差异,指导iSchools合理利用学术社交网络,以期为其他高校图情院系提供标杆,并为平台相关评价指标优化与平台建设提供参考。 相似文献
11.
Lars Willnat W. Joann Wong Ezhar Tamam Annette Aw 《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(4):557-585
This study is based on a survey of 526 adult Malaysians who were interviewed shortly before the 2008 national election about online media use, levels of political participation, and voting intentions. The goal was to document the role of online media in a society that controls political information in traditional media and, in turn, compels citizens to seek alternative news sources online. As predicted, the findings indicated that online media use was positively associated with higher levels of political participation among Malaysian voters. The use of and exposure to social networking sites, political blogs, political online videos, party websites, and political ads on cell phones showed strong associations with political activism. However, the use of political online media did not predict voters’ likelihood of voting. 相似文献
12.
This study investigates the impact of dual-screening on audiences’ perceptions of presidential candidates during the 2016 electoral campaign. The results suggest that dual-screening can exert a significant moderation role, weakening the direct effects of the televised debates on candidate perceptions. The results also imply that the role of dual-screening might be dependent on the audience’s need-to-evaluate characteristic. These findings address the pressing societal questions on ways that digital disruption is impacting the role of traditional media in political campaigns and our theoretical understanding of this process. 相似文献
13.
Paul D'Angelo 《Journalism Practice》2014,8(3):295-310
This article develops a theoretical model consisting of three mechanisms that link metacoverage, a type of election campaign news, to mediatization, a meta-process in which media organizations influence politics. The mechanisms hinge on the point that metacoverage—consisting of both topics and frames—constitutes a rich set of process-oriented cues that influence how campaign organizations adjust to the media logic in the course of performing functions associated with the office-seeking political campaign logic. A case study of 2012 US presidential election news was conducted to illustrate how metacoverage influences campaign strategies. 相似文献
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15.
In 2009, the departments in the executive branch of the U.S. federal government received the presidential marching order to “harness new technologies” in order to become more transparent, collaborative and participatory. Given this mandate, this article sets out to provide insights from qualitative interviews with social media directors to understand the factors that influence internal adoption decisions to use social media applications, such as Facebook, Twitter, or blogs. Three distinct factors influence the adoption decisions of social media directors: information about best practices in their informal network of peers, passive observations of perceived best practices in the public and private sector, and “market-driven” citizen behavior. The resulting adoption tactics include: (1) representation, (2) engagement, and (3) networking. The findings point to the need for higher degrees of formalized knowledge sharing when it comes to disruptive technology innovations such as social media use in highly bureaucratic communication environments. Recommendations based on the lessons learned are provided for practitioners and social media researchers to develop social media tactics for different organizational purposes in government. 相似文献
16.
Timothy Macafee 《Communication Research Reports》2013,30(4):326-337
The 2016 U.S. presidential election saw social media continue to play an important role in citizens’ political engagement. This study examines the effect of seeing social media political post sharing on individuals’ own political post sharing. Results from a two-wave survey suggest the interplay within the network is important. Seeing others share political posts and perceiving posts were biased towards a candidate predicted sharing political posts. 相似文献
17.
The spiral of silence (SoS) framework elaborates the factors that determine whether individuals are willing to express their opinions in public. Although previous scholarship has examined differences in between face-to-face and computer-mediated communication, research studies have rarely tested how perceived affordances of the channel influence whether individuals express opinions or self-censor. In this study (N = 399), we examine several propositions of SoS within the context of discussing police discrimination on Facebook. To extend the theory’s relevance to social networking sites, we examined how users’ perceptions of network association, social presence, anonymity, and persistence related to opinion expression. Findings indicate support for some of the theory’s original tenets, as well as the role of multiple perceived affordances in determining whether people will express an opinion to their online social network. We discuss the implications for measuring and understanding political expression and silencing on social media as well as offline. 相似文献
18.
An Xiaojing 《亚洲交流杂志》2017,27(6):616-630
Findings indicated that the mass media exposure significantly associated with body image dissatisfaction [Chen & Jackson, 2012. Gender and age group differences in mass media and interpersonal influences on body dissatisfaction among Chinese adolescents. Sex Roles, 66(1-2), 3–20; Field et al., 2005. Exposure to the mass media, body shape concerns, and use of supplements to improve weight and shape among male and female adolescents. Pediatrics, 116(2), e214–e220]. However, limited studies have examined the effect of social media on body image concerns. In regard to this, this paper aims to explore how appearance presentation and appearance interaction on social networking sites influence young adults’ body image dissatisfaction in the Chinese patriarchal society. It proposes that internalization, social comparison and body surveillance may be potential mediators of SNS influences from appearance presentation and appearance interaction on female’s and male’s body dissatisfaction. A survey of 181 males and 203 females indicated that online appearance interaction was significantly associated with female’s body dissatisfaction. In addition, its effect was partially mediated by body surveillance. Besides, body surveillance also mediated the effect of appearance presentation on female’s body dissatisfaction. In male’s case, the influence of online appearance interaction on body dissatisfaction was mediated by internalization and social comparison. 相似文献
19.
《Communication monographs》2012,79(4):296-310
Citizens can gain a better understanding of the important issues of a campaign and where candidates stand on those issues from three primary sources: direct candidate-to-citizen mass media messages (e.g., political advertisements, debates), news (e.g., newspapers, television news), or discussion with fellow citizens. The current study conducted a secondary analysis of 1996 American National Election Study (ANES) data to replicate Brians and Wattenberg's (1996) findings concerning the relative influence of political advertisements, television news use, and newspaper use on voter issue knowledge and salience in the 1992 United States presidential campaign. We also analyzed two additional communication information sources, general political discussion and debate viewing. The effects of political advertisement recall, television news viewing, and newspaper use replicated across election studies. General political discussion was found to affect both issue knowledge and salience, and when introduced into the regression analyses nullifies the predictive power of political advertisement recall for knowledge. Talk's influence on salience wanes in subsequent analyses. Viewing the first debate was a strong predictor of issue knowledge, but was not associated with issue salience. Advertisement recall maintained predictive power for issue salience even after taking into account the other four information sources, and watching the second debate also predicted salience. The combination of results presents evidence that candidate-to-citizen and citizen-to-citizen communication play unique roles in determining levels of issue knowledge and salience. 相似文献
20.
This study investigated which social media platforms are used as information sources, and for what purposes. It also examined how user characteristics are related to the use of different platforms. A Web-based survey was used to collect data from undergraduate students. Responses from more than 800 students showed that most of the social media platforms are used as information sources, where wikis, user reviews, and media-sharing sites emerged as the top platforms. The purpose of use varied across platforms. T-test and ANOVA results also revealed individual differences. Significant differences in gender, class level, academic discipline, and Big Five personality traits were found in the frequency of information seeking using different platforms and also in the purpose of use. Study findings have implications for information literacy (IL) education and information services. Because many students are actively using social media platforms for a variety of information-seeking purposes, it is suggested that IL programs embrace social media as potential information sources and offer effective strategies for using and evaluating these increasingly popular social media sources. 相似文献