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1.
This research examines how television reported the campaign, parties, and candidates during the 1995 Legislative Election in Taiwan. Results of this study showed that state‐owned broadcast television stations were far more likely than privately owned cable television channels to give greater coverage to the ruling party and its candidates, to use ruling party officials as news sources, and to offer more news coverage favorable to the ruling party than to other parties. We conclude that cable television has become a force for balance in coverage, diluting a pervasive pro‐government party bias. The rise of cable television from virtual “outlaw” status to government‐licensed status appears to have responded to a more liberal society and made a contribution to the development of democracy, as have the expanded elections themselves. 相似文献
2.
This research examines how TV reported the campaign and the candidates during Taiwan's first‐ever presidential election in 1996. A content analysis of evening news coverage of six TV stations indicated that the state‐owned broadcast TV stations were far more likely than the privately owned cable TV stations to give a greater amount of coverage and soundbites to the ruling party presidential and vice presidential candidates, using the ruling party officials as principal news sources. The TV Stations’ coverage also contained more news favourable to the ruling party candidates than to other candidates. The future may well see a turning point in TV election coverage as well as in general news coverage in Taiwan. The three state‐owned broadcast TV stations face competition from privately owned cable TV stations and may soon be confronted with the loss of public trust and audience, unless they can provide fair and balanced news free from government control. 相似文献
3.
Abstract The impact of financial markets on media management practices is apparent in Canada, where public trading in newspaper company shares has contributed significantly to concentrated press ownership. Fluctuations in newspaper share values have often shaped firm strategies as a result. This paper presents the Southam newspaper chain as a case study of the impact of financial markets on newspaper management practices. Historical analysis is used to show how Canada's oldest and largest newspaper chain, which was known for its commitment to quality journalism and for allowing its local publishers editorial independence, made a fateful decision when it went “public”; with a share issue in 1945. The increasingly widespread ownership of its stock led to Southam's gradual takeover in 1996 by Hollinger Inc., which cut costs and reduced staff chain‐wide. Sale of the Southam newspapers in 2000 to CanWest Global Communications has seen editorial control centralized at company headquarters and partisan support shown for the ruling federal Liberal party, contrary to Southam's founding principles. As a result, the Canadian Senate began hearings into the media in 2003, bringing the possibility of government regulation to reverse the impact of financial markets on the management of media firms there. 相似文献
4.
本文以《四川日报》社会新闻报道为例,深入阐述了社会新闻是党报新闻宣传报道的重要组成部分,办好社会新闻是当前党报新闻宣传改革创新的一个落脚点,提出了党报社会新闻报道应找准的几个视点. 相似文献
5.
在当代中国新闻学研究的学科层面,实际存在着多种名称或概念(有些准确,有些模糊),诸如新闻学、党报理论、中国特色社会主义新闻学、马克思主义新闻观(新闻学)等,它们之间互相联系,但又互有区别。最基本的关系是:党报理论是中国特色新闻学的核心内容,马克思主义新闻观是中国特色新闻学的理论立场和基本方法。因而,中国特色社会主义新闻学,就是以中国新闻现象、新闻活动特别是以"党媒"新闻宣传活动、新闻舆论活动为主要研究对象,以马克思主义为基本立场、观点和方法,以党报(党媒)理论为核心内容的新闻学。其中的"中国特色"是当代中国新闻学的特征描述,"社会主义"则是当代中国新闻学性质定位。中国特色社会主义新闻学与新闻学在研究对象、研究目的、研究的价值取向上虽有相同之处,但重点有所不同。 相似文献
6.
文人论政是中国近代新闻史上引人注目的现象,除了古代士大夫的清议传统,西方的新闻思想,通过传教士在华的办报实践和中国一部分知识分子的海外体验,影响了中国的早期报业,并对文人论政的风气的形成起了重要的作用。此外,日本报界作为西方新闻思想传播的中介也影响了中国留日报人。 相似文献
7.
Kyu Ho Youm 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(1):70-86
The press in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea) is closely tied to its communist sociopolitical structures. The North Korean press finds its modus operandi in the ‘Soviet Communist’ theory for its relationship with its government. This study examines the press laws and regulations in North Korea, pursuing three questions: (1) What is the status of the press as a sociopolitical institution in North Korea?; (2) What is the constitutional and statutory scheme relating to press freedom in North Korea?; and (3) What is the impact of the statutory mechanisms on the press in North Korea? The press and other mass media in North Korea are totally controlled by the Korean Worker's Party. No dissenting voice is permitted in the news media. North Korea recognizes freedom of the press as a Constitutional right of their citizens. Nevertheless, there is a considerable disparity between the constitutional guarantee of press freedom and its practical application. In the name of ‘collective good’ as defined by President Kim II Sung and his party, the basic right to a free and independent press as understood in its libertarian sense is denied to North Koreans. While there are no separate specialized laws relating to the rights and/or responsibilities of the North Korean press, several indirect press laws are on the books. Nevertheless, it is doubtful whether they have any noticeable bearing upon the functions of the state‐controlled press. The impact of the statutes upon the North Korean press is negligible in that the press does not (or to be precise, need not) feel any statutory constraint. This is because there is no room for conflict between the North Korean press and law enforcement authorities. 相似文献
8.
孙如陵,民国时期知名新闻学人。在国民党中央政治学校新闻学系就读期间,担任《新闻学季刊》编辑。毕业后历任《中央日报》记者、《中央日报》专门性副刊《报学》双周刊编辑、《报学杂志》编辑。孙如陵的新闻为学之路,是民国时期的一种典型,求学伊始即开始新闻实践与新闻学术研究。这种“半工半读”经历不仅给他带来新闻实践的切身体验,还有新闻学理的深刻体悟。本文就民国时期孙如陵的新闻学观、新闻观、新闻教育观、报业发展观进行分析,揭示其独到的理论洞见。 相似文献
9.
10.
This study examines political and communicative factors predicting trust in mainstream newspapers and television by analyzing a set of survey data collected in South Korea. The results show that supporters of the opposition party are less likely to trust the mainstream news media than supporters of the ruling party. Daily Internet use negatively predicted trust in media only for nonpartisans. However, for supporters of the opposition party, daily Internet use moderated the interaction effect between political discussion and exposure to political news on trust in media. 相似文献
11.
本文论述了印度独立后新闻业发展的四个特征。作者认为 ,理解印度新闻业内部的 ,以及与政府与执政党的种种利益冲突 ;理解印度复杂的语言和种族 ,以及相互间的矛盾 ,是理解印度独立后新闻业发展的钥匙 相似文献
12.
Louise McReynolds 《The Communication Review》2013,16(1):83-100
An independent, commercial mass‐circulation newspaper industry boomed at the end of the tsarist era, one analogous in most respects to that which evolved in the West during the nineteenth century. The Russian press, however, differed significantly from the Western press in the manner in which it functioned politically. Russian journalism, too, helped to open a public sphere in the autocratic environment, in concert with a series of social and political reforms in the 1860s. However, when those reforms failed to create a political order guaranteed by a constitution, the press reconstituted that sphere in a way to actually thwart the evolution of Western liberalism. The pivotal event in this process proved to be the failure of the 1905 Revolution to secure the postreform decades of incremental gains. Like most of the rest of society, journalists became so disappointed by the limited concessions exacted from the government that they lost hope that the autocracy could be reformed. Newspapers sought new political symbols in Russia's past; they found an equally disillusioned intelligentsia, whom they historicized and manipulated so as to undermine whatever substantive part they could have played in using the press as a genuinely transformative institution central to the public sphere. 相似文献
13.
Allan Brown 《Journal of Media Economics》2013,26(3):49-64
The author explores the structure of the Australian news paper industry and regulations governing ownership. He then examines the 1992 report of the government inquiry into the newspaper industry, which acknowledged that the basic cause of newspaper concentration lies in the economic nature of the industry and agreed that current concentration in the Australian press is excessive. The author argues, however, that recommendations of the government inquiry are unlikely to increase diversity of ownership or prevent future takeovers of the remaining papers not owned by the nation's two major publishers. 相似文献
14.
本文以中国三峡传媒网(《三峡日报》)为例,从网络报纸的版式、网站内容、网站服务等方面分析其网站建设所呈现出来的亮点,并进一步探讨了地市党报网站建设所具有的战略意义。 相似文献
15.
Young Min PhD 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(2):192-204
The present study, as an international application of an agenda-setting model, investigates how campaign agendas of issues are constructed in an election. The Korean Congressional election of 2000 provided rich empirical data for this study; the political party agenda, the civic agenda, and the news agenda were measured in terms of issue salience at two different data points in time during the official campaign period. The results of the cross-lagged rank-order correlations between different agendas indicated the following. First, the party agenda as a whole had little impact on the formation of the news agenda. The party–news relationship, however, showed a different pattern at an individual newspaper level. Specifically, a more conservative newspaper was more susceptible to those parties’ agenda-setting than was its progressive rival. Second, a nationwide civic movement for political reforms slightly influenced the formation of the news agenda, especially that of the reformist newspaper agenda. Both newspapers, on the other hand, substantially influenced the civic campaign's issue emphases. Finally, there existed no significant interactions between the party and the civic agendas. 相似文献
16.
The role of the press as a political watchdog is crucial to the functioning of democracy. Especially in the run-up to elections, voters depend on the media's presentation of parties and candidates to make informed, responsible choices at the ballot box. But who, then, influences the news media? Empirical evidence in the United States and Europe suggests that political party campaigns and election coverage in the news media are interconnected and influence each other. This study tests whether such agenda-setting effects between party campaigns and the media also take place in the general elections in the world's largest democracy, India. India's western-type political system has a distinct media system characterized by high competition, diversification, non-consolidation and formal and informal ties between the media, commercial interests and political actors. Content analysis and Granger's causality test of newspaper coverage (N?=?716) and party campaign messages (N?=?458) found that agenda-setting effects do occur in India, but are largely bi-directional. We also found an overwhelming focus of both newspapers’ election coverage and of all major party campaigns on one single candidate, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)'s Narendra Modi. This, we argue, is a result of the broader trends that have shaped Indian politics in recent years. The significant correlations and non-significant causal effects between party campaign and media coverage also indicate a trade-off situation between political power negotiation and political balance in the press. 相似文献
17.
Shixin Ivy Zhang 《媒体管理杂志》2013,15(3-4):205-230
This study takes Beijing Youth Daily (BYD), Beijing's largest newspaper in terms of advertising revenue and second largest in terms of circulation, as a case study to examine and analyze how globalization influences the ownership, corporate strategies, and business models of local newspaper organizations in China; and, thus, accelerates Chinese-style capitalism and media convergence. Declining advertising revenue and the loss of readers due to the digital revolution and the availability of multimedia news channels are global challenges that face newspapers around the world. BYD is no exception. In response, BYD has shifted from an exclusively state ownership model to a split or dual-track management model that has allowed foreign capital into the business operations while the party/state still retains ideological control over the news content. BYD has reoriented its corporate strategies and carried out structural reforms, building a media conglomerate via new titles, acquisitions, concentrations, and convergences; and developed its business models with advertising as a major revenue source. All these measures are market-oriented and intended to maximize newspaper profits by pursuing economies of scale and scope. 相似文献
18.
Yang Lin 《Communication Research Reports》2013,30(4):393-402
The role of mass media in the presidential primaries has not been examined in the same fashion as in the presidential general elections, congressional elections, and gubernatorial elections. This study is based on a survey (face‐to‐face interviews) of 392 adults randomly selected from a city with a population of 444,000 during the 1996 presidential primaries. The results of the hierarchical multiple regression analyses show that television news programs increase learning about candidate issue policies. People's confidence in judging which candidate has a better chance to win the party's nomination is influenced by reading of newspaper campaign stories, viewing of the campaign commercials, and their attention to the campaign news on TV. This study enriches our understanding of media effects in the presidential primaries. 相似文献
19.
Sarah Lonsdale 《Media History》2015,21(3):265-279
The enormous changes wrought in the British newspaper industry during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries brought about a revolution in newspaper reading habits, financing and influence, all aspects of which have been well documented by historians of the press. But what of the contributor, particularly the freelance whose millions of words formed, mostly anonymously, the content of the new mass market press? How did writers negotiate changes in the literary marketplace during this time as editors demanded more ‘news’ and less in the way of whimsical paragraphing, and sketches, the traditional newspaper output of the professional man, or woman, of letters? Through the study of memoirs, correspondence and the fictional output of contributors to the press during this time, it is possible to discern the often fraught relations between writers and their most lucrative market. 相似文献
20.
This paper reports the results of a content analysis of five newspapers selected from the Chinese daily press. The research was conducted as part of an international project designed to explore the relationship between journalistic self-conceptions and journalistic practice. This paper reports only upon journalistic practice, in particular the extent to which different models of journalism are present. The results of the analysis demonstrate, firstly, that while the concept of a uniform ‘national media system’ is of some utility in comparative studies, there are, even in the highly structured Chinese case, very significant differences within a single country. Secondly, it demonstrates that the common division of the Chinese press into a politically oriented party press and a market-oriented commercial press is inadequate to explain the identifiable differences between titles in the sample. A four grouping solution fits the data much better and demonstrates that there are newspapers that combine strong evidence of indicators of the party press with strong evidence of indicators of the commercial press. As a consequence, the claim that marketization will necessarily lead to conflicts with the party appears to be mistaken. 相似文献