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1.
上世纪70年代后半期以来,美国新闻媒体与司法界的关系表现出新的走向:法官限制传媒的如延期审理、更换审判地点、筛选陪审员、隔离陪审员等措施,在实践中和理论上均处于困境之中;法官对传媒的限制性命令制度和惩罚制度实际上已不再起作用:法官将对传媒的直接限制转移到对律师等诉讼参与人的限制即间接限制上;法庭对传媒逐渐开放.法官、新闻媒体与律师走向合作. 相似文献
2.
本文研究了美国法院组织、法官和陪审员个人使用新媒体的现状,以及新媒体对美国法院产生的影响。认为虽然美国法院、法官和陪审员使用新媒体的数量有限,但法官、陪审员使用新媒体研究、调查以及与他人讨论正在审理的案件,已经对法院的诉讼活动、法官和法院其他雇员的道德与行为以及法院提升公众对司法机关认知和公信力的能力产生很大影响,并导致一些错判和误判的产生。面对挑战,美国法院采取的主要应对之策是出台或修订针对陪审员的新媒体使用指南和针对法官的司法伦理规则。 相似文献
3.
沟通理解合作--『媒体报道与司法公正』研讨会纪要 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
2003年11月1日至2日,由中国记协国内部和中国法官协会研究部共同主办、吉 安市中级人民法院承办的“媒体报道与司法公正”研讨会在江西省井冈山市举行,与会者有中央和省市新闻媒体的编辑记者,高级和中级人民法院的法官,大专院校的学者、律师共54人。现将本次研讨会的主要观点综 相似文献
4.
近年来,专家学者指出,从优秀律师中选法官,不仅可以维护司法公正还有利于改进法官队伍,是法官精英化的必然要求．是改变目前我国法官队伍素质不高的重要手段。随着国家统一司法考试制度的施行,实际上为各种司法职业之间的相互流动尤其是为律师担任法官提高律师地位提供了某种契机。在优秀律师中遴选法官这一司法改革的倡议,又向现实迈进了一大步。 相似文献
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“公正永远是第一位的”——对话重庆市高级人民法院院长钱锋 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
“律师是推进中国民主法治进程的重要力量,同时也是重庆打黑除恶审判的重要参与者。追究某一个律师的刑事责任,绝不意味着要否定中国律师制度,绝不意味着要否定中国的诉讼制度,正如去年重庆法院几个法官出了问题,却不能因此就否定重庆法院的法官队伍,进而否定中国的法官队伍” 相似文献
6.
两大法系媒体与司法关系比较 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
就传媒与司法关系而言,英美法系与大陆法系表现出不同的特点:前者有对新闻报道进行限制乃至处罚的措施或制度,后者则没有,其关键因素在于前者实行陪审制。而在当代司法实践和学术思潮中,两大法系在此问题上均表现出对新闻自由保护的倾向。但是,解决此问题的根本点却在于法官、记者与律师的合作及违宪审查机构的公正处理。 相似文献
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综观新闻媒体，总觉得美中不足太多，尤为突出的是正面报道缺乏理念，舆论监督充当“法官”，习惯于作武断结论。这两方面反映出新闻工作者法哲学观念的欠缺，使传媒品位大打折扣。增强新闻传媒的法哲学观念，是社会制约因素决定的。制约是社会自由运转的调控器，作为鼓动性极强的新闻传媒自然要受到更多的制约。社会制约与新闻自由是相互联系辩证统一的关系。新闻传媒受多方面的社会制约，方方面面的制约程度也不尽相同。社会对传媒的制约主要表现在六个方面：法律的制约，新闻传播必须在法律允许的范围内进行；政策的制约，新闻传媒必须严… 相似文献
8.
在今年6月14日宣判的美国摇滚乐巨星迈克尔·杰克逊被控性侵男童案的整个审理过程中,法官对新闻媒体基本上采取了封闭诉讼的措施。人们不解的是:在美国传媒与司法的关系整体上趋于良性互动的历史背景下,美国法官为什么开了“历史倒车”,其理由能否站得住脚?近十年来美国传媒与司法关系的阴影1.辛普森案1994年6月12日深夜,曾在洛杉矶奥运会上点燃圣火的美国超级橄榄球巨星O.J.辛普森的前妻尼科尔及其男友戈尔德曼,被杀害于尼科尔在洛杉矶的别墅。现场的一些物证使辛普森成为案件最大、也是唯一的嫌疑人。同年6月下旬,经洛杉矶市警察局侦查,… 相似文献
9.
中国传媒产业习惯上采用行政官僚制度,在内部冲突管理上沿袭传统冲突管理理论,以消除内部纷争。不过,传媒企业的信息产业特点要求保持较激进的创新性与竞争性,使得传媒企业内部冲突行为必然不同于传统产业。本文应用组织行为理论,采用数理统计方法对境内上市传媒公司内部冲突行为动因给予实证研究,结果表明制度在抑制负向冲突、引导冲突走向等方面具有重要性。 相似文献
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The conflict between the military's desire to keep secrets and the media's mission to report the news inevitably leads to clashes during wartime. These opposing forces have been held in an uneasy balance by the U.S. Constitution during most of modern history. But, recent policy has allowed the unprecedented exclusion of the press from the battlefield, with increased government control over the flow of information to the public as the result. Press restrictions during the Persian Gulf War led to a threatened constitutional crisis, ending in an uneasy truce which leaves fundamental issues still unresolved. 相似文献
12.
Eric Freedman 《Communication Teacher》2013,27(3):65-68
Objective: To educate about restraints and restrictions on the press around the world and on international efforts to protect press freedom Courses: High School and College Journalism and Mass Communication 相似文献
13.
论媒体与司法关系规则的三种模式 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
在处理媒体与司法关系的问题上,西方主要法治国家采用的模式是不相同的。美国采用的是不限制媒体的司法自我约束模式;而英国采用的是司法限制媒体模式;而大陆法国家则采用了一种近乎放任自流的司法向媒体开放模式。中国应当采纳大陆法国家模式。 相似文献
14.
Abigail C. Saguy 《The Communication Review》2013,16(2):109-141
This article documents and accounts for important differences in press coverage of sexual harassment in the United States and France. Compared to French press coverage, American reporting on sexual harassment has been much more extensive and more likely to focus on domestic sexual harassment scandals involving political individuals or institutions. This is attributed largely to the American press greater reliance on business, greater journalistic freedom, stronger traditions of investigative journalism, as well as more inclusive legal definitions of sexual harassment. While silent on French scandals, due to global political realities, the French press has reported extensively on American sexual harassment scandals and has been more dismissive of the problems of sexual harassment and (American) feminist activists when reporting on the United States. This article further analyzes how each press has framed the problem of sexual harassment and how such framing varies by story and over time. 相似文献
15.
Kyu Ho Youm 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(1):70-86
The press in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea) is closely tied to its communist sociopolitical structures. The North Korean press finds its modus operandi in the ‘Soviet Communist’ theory for its relationship with its government. This study examines the press laws and regulations in North Korea, pursuing three questions: (1) What is the status of the press as a sociopolitical institution in North Korea?; (2) What is the constitutional and statutory scheme relating to press freedom in North Korea?; and (3) What is the impact of the statutory mechanisms on the press in North Korea? The press and other mass media in North Korea are totally controlled by the Korean Worker's Party. No dissenting voice is permitted in the news media. North Korea recognizes freedom of the press as a Constitutional right of their citizens. Nevertheless, there is a considerable disparity between the constitutional guarantee of press freedom and its practical application. In the name of ‘collective good’ as defined by President Kim II Sung and his party, the basic right to a free and independent press as understood in its libertarian sense is denied to North Koreans. While there are no separate specialized laws relating to the rights and/or responsibilities of the North Korean press, several indirect press laws are on the books. Nevertheless, it is doubtful whether they have any noticeable bearing upon the functions of the state‐controlled press. The impact of the statutes upon the North Korean press is negligible in that the press does not (or to be precise, need not) feel any statutory constraint. This is because there is no room for conflict between the North Korean press and law enforcement authorities. 相似文献
16.
作为当今世界上连续执政时间最长的社会民主党,瑞典社会民主党提出并践行保证新闻多元化的理念。多年以来,该党既通过立法实施报刊津贴制度大力促进媒体外部多元,又通过发展公共服务广播电视和宽容党内批评意见等方式保障媒体内部多元,努力促进党内外的舆论多元,从而使瑞典的新闻自由长期稳居世界前列。 相似文献
17.
Simon J. Potter 《Media History》2014,20(1):34-50
This essay analyses late-Victorian understandings of the relationship between the press, imperial diplomacy, and popular enthusiasm for empire, and examines how newspapers explained their own role in the imperial rivalries of the 1890s. During imperial disputes between Britain and France (particularly the Fashoda crisis) and between Britain and the USA (the Venezuela boundary dispute) contemporaries claimed that self-interested ‘jingo’ elements of the political elite had sought to foment conflict by manipulating ‘public opinion’, but had been defeated by statesmen (who had used the press for legitimate diplomatic purposes) and by ‘the people’ (who were averse to war). This contrasted with contemporary comments about the role played by the press in provoking wars between the USA and Spain and between Britain and the Transvaal: both the press and the people seemed to succumb to an irrational popular ‘jingoism’, and to sweep statesmen along in their wake. However, this essay argues that these contemporary verdicts about the role of newspapers in focusing popular imperialism have been too easily accepted by historians. During the imperial rivalries of the 1890s the press played an important role as a medium of transnational communication, but did not push statesmen into expansionism. 相似文献
18.
《期刊图书馆员》2013,64(2):87-94
The publication of Bulgarian serials (called "periodicals" in this article, using the historical Bulgarian term) began in 1844 with the appearance of Liuboslovie. From that time until the recent collapse of the Communist regime, the press has been subjected to censorship and repression, first by the Turkish overlords and later by several of the Bulgarian governments. This article, the first of two parts, focuses on the suppression of the periodical press following the rise of the Communist "people's democracy," which forced virtually all the periodicals that had been published in Bulgaria prior to that time to cease publication. The second part will be devoted to Bulgaria's new-found freedom of the press that has emerged following forty-five years of totalitarianism. 相似文献
19.
《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(1):41-56
Work on categorization of national press systems in the last 40 years has been grounded in the well-known Four Theories of the Press. Whereas this approach has been strongly criticized by international scholars for its idealism and its poverty of empiricism, it is still widely taught in introductory journalism courses across the country, and few theorists have engaged in grounding the theory with data in international settings. Although journalism is contextualized and constrained by press structure and state policies, it is also a relatively autonomous cultural production of journalists negotiating between their professionalism and state control. This article thus proposes a new model incorporating the autonomy of individual journalistic practices into political and social structural factors-the interaction of which might currently more accurately represent press practices in the new international order. With an understanding of the background of the journalistic practices and state policies of 4 countries/cities, the multinational media coverage of a specific event is explicated in the light of the new model. This new model explains the journalistic variations that cannot be clearly revealed using a state-policy press model alone. 相似文献
20.
文人论政是中国近代新闻史上引人注目的现象,除了古代士大夫的清议传统,西方的新闻思想,通过传教士在华的办报实践和中国一部分知识分子的海外体验,影响了中国的早期报业,并对文人论政的风气的形成起了重要的作用。此外,日本报界作为西方新闻思想传播的中介也影响了中国留日报人。 相似文献