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An assessment is offered of the recent debate on informationin the philosophy of biology, and an analysis is provided ofthe notion of information as applied in scientific practicein molecular genetics. In particular, this paper deals withthe dependence of basic generalizations of molecular biology,above all the ‘central dogma’, on the so-called‘informational talk’ (Maynard Smith [2000a]). Itis argued that talk of information in the ‘central dogma’can be reduced to causal claims. In that respect, the primaryaim of the paper is to consider a solution to the major difficultyof the causal interpretation of genetic information: how todistinguish the privileged causal role assigned to nucleic acids,DNA in particular, in the processes of replication and proteinproduction. A close reading is proposed of Francis H. C. Crick'sOn Protein Synthesis (1958) and related works, to which we owethe first explicit definition of information within the scientificpractice of molecular biology.
  1. Introduction
    1.1 The basicquestions of the information debate
    1.2 Thecausal interpretation(CI) of biological informationand Crick's‘central dogma’
  2. Crick's definitions of genetic information
  3. The main requirementfor (CI)
  4. Types of causation in molecular biology
    4.1 Structuralcausation in molecular biology
    4.2 Nucleicacids as correlativecausal factors
  5. The ‘central dogma’ withoutthe notion of information
  6. Concluding remarks
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Drawing on data from students, higher education staff and policymakers from six European countries, this article argues that it remains a relatively common assumption that students should be politically engaged. However, while students articulated a strong interest in a wide range of political issues, those working in higher education and influencing higher education policy tended to believe that students were considerably less politically active than their predecessors. Moreover, while staff and policy influencers typically conceived of political engagement in terms of collective action, articulated through common reference to the absence of a ‘student movement’ or unified student voice, students’ narratives tended not to valorise ‘student movements’ in the same way and many categorised as ‘political’ action they had taken alone and/or with a small number of other students. Alongside these broad commonalities across Europe, the article also evidences some key differences between nation-states, institutions and disciplines. In this way, it contributes to the comparative literature on young people’s political engagement specifically, as well as wider debates about the ways in which higher education students are understood.  相似文献   
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Across the Central Eastern European region, inclusive education has become a policy aim. Europeanization, influence of United Nations agencies, and shifts away from Soviet models of education have led to new policy aspirations for the inclusion of children with special education needs (SEN). At the same time, policies in many countries often lack the infrastructure or internal mechanisms required for successful implementation (such as funding, professional capacity, and public will). In this article, we examine one of these challenges: funding. Through simulations based on data collected by the authors in the Republic of Serbia, we examine approaches for funding children with SEN in inclusive classrooms without losing the supports provided to them in segregated settings. Our findings illustrate the possible approaches to adequate costing of inclusive education policies and potentially serve as a methodological reference beyond specific national contexts. They are, therefore, potentially applicable across Eastern European countries.

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