共查询到20条相似文献，搜索用时 611 毫秒
1.
《Communication methods and measures》2013,7(3):256-272
Hayes, Glynn, and Shanahan (2005a) introduced the Willingness to Self-Censor Scale as a measure of the extent to which a person uses cues about the climate of opinion when deciding whether to publicly voice opinions. The study reported here provides new validation evidence, collected during actual rather than hypothetical discussions. Each participant interacted with two confederates about a controversial topic. The confederates were trained to produce a discussion climate that was either consistent or inconsistent with the participant's own opinion on the topic. The manipulation of the climate of opinion affected opinion expression only among dispositional self-censors (i.e., those scoring relatively higher on the scale), even after controlling for dispositional shyness. As expected, people who scored relatively low were unaffected by information about the climate of opinion. These results further attest to the construct validity of the Willingness to Self-Censor Scale. 相似文献
2.
In this section the International Journal of Public OpinionResearch reviews articles that have recently been publishedin peer-refereed journals and which broadly relate to the fieldof public opinion. The intention is not to give an exhaustiveoverview of a given study but rather to alert our readers tointeresting ideas and research in our field. For this issuethanks are due to Ken’ichi Ikeda (University of Tokyo)for help in compiling the reviews. Arai, Kiichiro (2006). A mechanism of political participation:Experience and evaluation. Review of Electoral Studies, 6, 5–24. This paper examines how citizens are engaged in political activities,with a focus on their experience of political participationand their evaluation of the experience. Using data from theJapanese Election and Democracy Study 2000 survey, an empiricalanalysis shows that people who positively evaluate their experienceof participating in political activity (such as helping election 相似文献
3.
The Dynamics of Opinion Formation in Local Popular Referendums: Why the Dutch Always Say No 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
There is growing research on voting behavior in referendums.However, the dynamics of opinion formation in popular referendums,referendums initiated by the electorate to approve or rejectdecisions made by representative bodies, has not yet been studied.This is especially unfortunate as voting decisions in popularreferendums differ from those in other referendums in interestingways. Opinion formation can be a very dynamic process in popularreferendums, making the referendum campaign crucial. This paperstudies the dynamics of opinion formation in popular referendumsand relates them to particular characteristics of the campaignsand the issues at hand. Based on the literature, we consideredthe effects of the intensity of the yes and no campaigns, familiaritywith the issue, and partisan cues. Our study uses content analysisdata and data from public opinion surveys dealing with variouspopular referendums held in the Netherlands. The study revealedseveral factors that contributed to the volatility of opinionsin the referendum campaigns: the issue (new and did not fittraditional political schemes), lack of support from societaland community organizations for the position of the local authorities,and low profile campaigns on the part of local authorities.While some of these factors are general and may play a rolein referendums everywhere, some can be considered ‘typicallyDutch’, related to the characteristics of popular referendumsin the Netherlands and the country’s political system. 相似文献
4.
‘Here is a book that makes you want to shout, "Finally!"’That is the opening sentence of a recent book review that theauthor of this review wrote for the International Journal ofPublic Opinion Research about Campaigning for Hearts and Minds:How Emotional Appeals in Political Ads Work by Ted Brader (2006).The remark refers to the fact that Brader’s book focuseson an issue that has thus far received very little attentionin the field of communication studies, or, for that matter,in the fields of political science or sociology, namely, themajor role emotions play in explaining collective behavior,social decisions, opinion formation and—especially inthe case at hand—the effects of media coverage on opinionformation. Now, in the form of Katrin Döveling’scomprehensive new 相似文献
5.
Public opinion studies have conventionally treated politicalefficacy as a two-dimensional concept involving internal andexternal efficacy. The former refers to people’s beliefsabout their individual abilities to understand politics, andthe latter refers to people’s beliefs about governmentresponsiveness. The present study reexamines and goes beyondthis two-dimensional view. It proposes that collective efficacy,defined as a citizen’s belief in the capabilities of thepublic as a collective actor to achieve social and politicaloutcomes, can be considered as a third dimension of politicalefficacy. Based on this three-dimensional view, the relationshipbetween political efficacy, support for democratization, andpolitical participation in Hong Kong is examined. Analysis ofa representative survey (N = 800) shows that both support fordemocratization and political participation are positively relatedto collective efficacy and negatively related to external efficacy.Internal efficacy, on the other hand, has only a limited relationshipwith the dependent variables, though high levels of internalefficacy are found to be a condition for collective and externalefficacy to exert stronger impact on political attitudes andbehavior. It is argued that two characteristics of the HongKong society—as a transitional society and a collectivistculture—contribute to the significance of collective efficacyin the public opinion process. But the relevance of collectiveefficacy to other contexts is also discussed. 相似文献
6.
Looking for Opinion Leaders: Traditional vs. Modern Measures in Traditional Societies 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
Weimann Gabriel; Tustin Deon Harold; van Vuuren Daan; Joubert J. P. R. 《Int. Journal of Public Opinion Research》2007,19(2):173-190
Since the introduction of the opinion leadership conceptualization,both practitioners and academics have been keenly interestedin its applicability in modern society. Numerous studies havebeen conducted to identify potential opinion leaders, learnof the characteristics distinguishing them from their ‘followers,’and understand how they exert their personal influence to changeopinions and behaviors of the masses. Despite the growing researchon opinion leadership, the identification of appropriate opinionleaders for practical purposes continues to be a challenge.Several methods were used to identify opinion leaders. The existenceof numerous methods and their use in various societies, socialsettings and cultures and the variance across domains of opinionleadership raises questions on the applicability and validityof the modern, advanced measures when applied to other socialsettings. The present study is in fact a first attempt to applythe modern personality strength (PS) scale to a traditionalcommunity. The PS scale was found to be an efficient, valid,and useful instrument to identify opinion leaders in numerousstudies. However, it was always used, tested, and validatedin Western societies (e.g., Germany, USA, and Israel). Whenwe applied the method in the Skukuza community, a small villagein South Africa, the findings revealed the inapplicability ofthe scale in a traditional community. Several factors are suggestedto explain the futility of the PS scale in a traditional society. 相似文献
7.
Rusciano Frank Louis; Fiske-Rusciano Roberta 《Int. Journal of Public Opinion Research》1990,2(4):305-322
This paper presents a content analysis of the manner in which‘world opinion’ is used in stories and editorialsof two nations' major newspapers. The authors studied the InternationalHerald Tribune and the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung for themonths of February, March, and April 1986 for articles whichcontained implicit or explicit references to ‘world opinion’.These refernces were studied using a pre-designed survey instrument,which analyzed several features of the term's usage. Topicsfor discussion included: (1) the various syonyms for world opinion;(2) the agenda for world opinion; (3) the timing of referenceto particular issues on the agenda; (4) the moral and pragmaticcomponents of world opinion; and (5) the link between worldopinion and the ‘international isolation’ of nationsor individuals. The paper concludes by combining the resultsof the study into a preliminary definition of ‘world opinion’,based upon the common usage of this term. The definition comparesthe characteristics of ‘world opinion’ and ‘publicopinion’, and discusses the possible ramifications ofunderstanding the concept in this manner. 相似文献
8.
Donsbach Wolfgang; Noelle Elisabeth; Traugott Michael W.; Worcester Robert 《Int. Journal of Public Opinion Research》2006,18(4):391-392
If the founders and editors of the International Journal ofPublic Opinion Research described the ideal spectrum of thejournal’s content, we would all very likely enumeratethe following five dimensions, usually in a comparative and/orinternational context: theories about the dynamics of publicopinion, methodological problems and developments, the roleof the news media in public communication, public opinion researchas a social and political problem, and public opinion data on 相似文献
9.
In this section the International Journal of Public OpinionResearch reviews articles that have recently been publishedin peer-refereed journals and which broadly relate to the fieldof public opinion. The intention is not to give an exhaustiveoverview of a given study but rather to alert our readers tointeresting ideas and research in our field.
Blais, André & Gélineau, François (2007). Winning, losing and satisfaction with democracy. Political Studies, 55, 425–441.
Blais and Gélineau use the 1997 Canadian federal electionpanel study to explore the relationship between supporting thewinning side in an election and satisfaction with democracy.While it is well established that winners tend to have higherlevels of satisfaction than losers, less research has been doneto determine whether it is the election result in itself thatcauses this difference in satisfaction. The authors theorizethat in a parliamentary system voters might gain different utilityfrom winning at the local and national levels, and that theirexpectations as well as 相似文献
10.
Exploring the micromotivations (Williams, 1979, 1988; Aguiar, 1991)or internal reasons (Williams, 1979; Lupia, McCubbins, & Popkin, 2000)that mold public preferences for either democracy or authoritarianism,this paper aims to discuss the types of rationality that liebehind people’s choices in survey studies in Latin America.From this perspective, we examine the balance between surveyrespondents’ evaluation of democratic government and theirviews of the efficacy of democracy to solve their country’sproblems, and their joint impact on the molding of citizens’preferences for a particular type of government. Results showthat satisfaction with how democratic government performs standsout as one of the reasons underlying individuals’ preferencesfor democracy. Also the belief that democracy does not solvethe problems significantly determines the people’s choice.Conclusions favor the hypothesis that, in the region, a utilitarianrationality prevails over an axiological rationality (Weber, 1922;Boudon, 1996) in the way citizens form preferences for or againstdemocracy. 相似文献
11.
从社会建构论的角度来看,人的情绪虽然以生物性反应为基础,但主要是社会建构的结果。文化和语言是建构情绪的重要手段。个体情绪借助语言在社会网络间传播,实质是一场以情绪理解为内核的群体情感互动仪式。互联网群体传播帮助人们通过建立弱关系扩大社会网络,促进个体情绪在传播范围上的量变和情绪性质上的质变,形成社会情绪型舆论。网络语言具有表层和深层双重情绪基因,通过模因复制进行群体传播。在此过程中,网络语言具有三重效应:一是凝合效应,促进深层情绪整合,形成社会舆论;二是转移效应,其表层的娱乐性、游戏性特征能推动情绪转化,疏导社会舆论;三是沉淀效应,累积社会情绪氛围,沉淀社会参与基因,建构网络语言所诞生和维护的社会文化。 相似文献
12.
This study examines the phenomena of pluralistic ignorance,looking-glass perception and conservative bias across issues.Public opinion data from Israel suggest that these phenomenaare largely context and issue related. Thus for salient issuesin a highly politicized society such as Israel, people can quiteaccurately assess majority and minority opinions. Looking-glassperception and pluralistic ignorance were found to vary systematicallywith the information available on the various issues in thestudy. The level of ignorance on an issue seems also to be afunction of the shape of its distribution. Moreover, the greaterthe overlap between the majority or minority position on anissue and a clearly defined political block, the lower the looking-glassperception and ignorance levels. This suggests that the politicalcontinuum may be used as a surrogate distribution in assessingthe majority opinion when direct information is scarce. Conservativebias was shown to exist on some issues, but a ‘liberalbias’ exists on others. It is proposed that this biasmay reflect social norms rather than an individual tendencyto view others as more conservative than oneself. 相似文献
13.
Shapiro Robert Y.; Young John T.; Patterson Kelly D.; Blumenfeld Jill E.; Cifu Douglas A.; Offenhartz Sara M.; Tsekerides Ted E. 《Int. Journal of Public Opinion Research》1991,3(4):340-365
In this article the authors argue that studies of the influenceof the mass media on public support for presidential candidatesin primary elections should return to the social pyschologicalmodel of attitude change. This model should take into account,however, that in the real world, unlike laboratory settings,randomization and complete controls of variables are not possible,and rational and strategic choice considerations come into play,along with the cumulative effects of new information on aggregateopinion. The variables found to be relevant to attitude change,especially the characteristics of the communicator and the communication,have not been studied systematically in natural settings. Littleis known about how new information unrelated to electoral ‘momentum’affects the public's evaluations and support for candidates.A fuller explanation is needed of what are complex media influenceson candidate support in primary elections—including especiallythose messages conveyed through the media which tend to be distinctiveand most accessible to memory: information about the viabiltiyof candidates; positive messages and images conveyed directlyfrom the candidates themselves and (to a lesser extent) fromother major party leaders who support or oppose them; and, ofspecial theoretical importance, the ostensibly credible newscommentary about the candidates. 相似文献
14.
'NO OPINION'-FILTERS: A COGNITIVE PERSPECTIVE 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
Research on the use of ‘no opinion’-filters suggeststhat respondents are the less likely to offer a substantiveresponse the more strongly the filter question is worded. Aseries of experiments is reported that demonstrates that filterquestions influence respondents' perception of their task: themore strongly the filter question is worded, the more respondentsassume that they will have to answer difficult questions, andthat they may not have the required knowledge. Accordingly,filter questions discourage respondents from offering globalopinions that they may hold. In line with this assumption, allrespondents who reported not having an opinion in response toa filter question, subsequently provided substantive responseson a global opinion question—presumably because the globalquestion asked was less demanding than expected on the basisof the filter. Analyses of these substantive responses indicatedthat respondents who initially reported not having an opiniondiffered from respondents who reported having one. Methodologicalimplications of these findings for the use of filter questionsand for research on the nature of ‘floating’ arediscussed. 相似文献
15.
Using the issue of genetically modified foods, this study examines how the Internet may affect the spiral of silence phenomenon in South Korea. More specifically, we explore whether the Internet has created a social environment, where people can exchange opinions more freely without being fearful of social isolation. Analyzing data from an online survey, we first examine whether the Internet can play a role as a source of information, from which people assess the climates of public opinion. Also examined is whether the opinions of netizens can comprise another form of opinion climate, exerting pressure on one's willingness to speak out. Finally, we explore whether expressing an opinion on the Internet is subject to the pressure of opinion climates. Findings suggest that the Internet may play an important role in shaping people's perceptions of opinion climates. Perceived opinion congruence with other people were significantly associated with one's willingness to participate in an online forum, indicating that expressing an opinion on the Internet may be subject to the spiral of silence effect. We conclude that the Internet in South Korea may not have helped to diminish the social pressure that keeps citizens from expressing a minority view. 相似文献
16.
互联网的发展给人们提供了新的意见表达场所,为舆论的精确测量提供了新的可能性。本文设想了舆论的三维矢量形态,并由此出发进行了舆论精确测量的尝试,以舆论调查和文本分析的方法对社区内舆论的精确发展过程进行了实证研究,分析了舆论的瞬发型和累积型等不同的形成模式。 相似文献
17.
This study measures a spiral of silence in the context of actualopinion change during President George Bush's popularity declinein one of his political strongholds. Willingness of voters topublicly express their opinions about Bush were analyzed overthree pre-election surveys (N = 1,800) sponsored by a prominentlocal newspaper in Orange County, California. Respondents wereasked whether or not they would be willing to be reinterviewedby a reporter and have their names and views published in thepaper. The hypothesis that Bush supporters would be less willingthan others to agree to be reinterviewed during the period inwhich the president's ratings were dropping sharply is supported.This trend was most in evidence at the beginning of the presidentialcampaign, when Bush's ratings were in the steepest decline.These findings indicate the importance of actual opinion shiftsin spiral of silence research, and suggest several issues forfuture research on opinion change. 相似文献
18.
During the rewriting of its program in the early 1980s, theRassemblement pour la République (RPR) carried out anumber of opinion surveys. The person in charge of this wasnot a member of the inner leadership circle; he warned the partyleader, Jacques Chirac, that themes forming a coherent ‘liberal’program for the transformation of the relationship between citizens,state, and the economy, were not popular with public opinion,which remained attached to progressive taxation and a comprehensivesocial welfare system. The party leadership ignored these warnings.Rather than attempting to align their policies with voter aspirations,their principal use of political communications techniques aimedat improving their leader's image. The person in charge of thiswork was a stranger to politics whose understanding of the waycultural or political attitudes are changed led him to interpretvery fatalistically the chances of influencing election outcomesby communications techniques. His methods were treated withfrank skepticism by party communications colleagues, his client'spersonality was particularly unamenable to his efforts, andhis one successful initiative—the rejuvenation of theexecutive committee—was operated at the cost of a rowin the party. In the case of the RPR, opinion research seemsto have played no role at all in an important party policy review,the causes of which should be sought elsewhere. 相似文献
19.
The Role of Communication in Public Opinion Processes: Understanding the Impacts of Intrapersonal, Media, and Social Filters 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
Hoffman Lindsay H.; Glynn Carroll J.; Huge Michael E.; Sietman Rebecca Border; Thomson Tiffany 《Int. Journal of Public Opinion Research》2007,19(3):287-312
This study examined multiple factors associated with the processof public opinion including relevant predispositions, mediause, interpersonal discussion, and perceptions of communityopinion in order to test a theoretical model of public opinion.We conceptualized these factors as intrapersonal, media, andsocial ‘filters’ within the public opinion process.To test the impact of these filters, we conducted a survey withtwo independent samples—the first sample was collectedduring the introduction phase of a community ballot issue andthe second just a week before the issue vote. Findings indicateall three filters impacted public opinion regarding the ballotissue. Within these filters, important subprocesses were analyzedto better understand each filter's contribution to the formationof public opinion. Ordinary least squares (OLS) regression equationsused to test the proposed process model revealed that the intrapersonalfilter accounted for a substantial amount of the overall variancein public opinion, but that media and social filters were alsoimportant predictors. Results highlight the importance of communicationvariables in the formation of public opinion. Received for publication May 4, 2006. Accepted for publication April 19, 2007. 相似文献
20.
The term pluralistic ignorance refers to erroneous beliefs heldby a group of individuals about the attitudes or behavior ofothers. In this study, we examined the degree to which collegestudents in Singapore misconceive their peers’ sexualattitudes and behavior. The data for this study came from aweb-based survey involving a random sample of 534 college studentsin Singapore. The results indicate widespread evidence of pluralisticignorance; that is, students believed that their peers weresignificantly more sexually active than was actually the case.The data also suggest that the students formed such erroneousimpressions of peers on the basis, in part, of the students’media consumption and of the students’ own sexual attitudes. 相似文献