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1.
Justin Bengry 《Media History》2013,19(2):146-166
From the Sunday Pictorial's 1952 ‘Evil Men’ series, the first postwar exposé on homosexuality to appear in the British popular press, to the 1964 achievement by its stable mate the Daily Mirror of record circulation figures, both papers commodified and sensationalized homosexuality for consumption by mass newspaper audiences. Sensationalism was combined with homosexuality as a deliberate strategy to succeed in Britain's highly competitive postwar circulation wars and also to promote particular personal and political agendas of key directors. But historians have tended to focus on the vitriol of sensationalism, emphasizing its homophobic content, without fully interrogating the tactic itself. This paper looks at the origins of sensationalism as a strategy at Mirror Group newspapers, asserting that sensational treatments of homosexuality concretely illuminate the multiple interactions between subjective beliefs and the seemingly objective profit motive. At the Daily Mirror and Sunday Pictorial, homosexuals held a negative moral, political, and social value, but critically, they also held a high commercial value. 相似文献
2.
Previous scholarship has argued that constructions of public opinion serve one of three dominant purposes: (1) to provide drama; (2) to promote particular strategic political interests; and (3) to symbolically legitimize the public's role in democracy. This paper analyzes media and legislator constructions of public opinion in the Clinton‐Lewinsky scandal. We assess the uses of public opinion and the purposes to which they were put, and particularly examine the use of different time frames in this discourse. Throughout the scandal, the public remained firmly ambivalent about President Clinton, with majorities supporting him remaining in office, even as they disapproved of his sexual relationship with Ms. Lewinsky. However, the media frequently emphasized the possibility that public might change, and this future orientation was joined to a strongly disapproving emphasis on public morality, rooted in a construction of past values. Later the media took present public opinion as a given, but political implications for the present and future framed the coverage. Once the scandal came to Congress, members of Congress usually recognized the public's support for President Clinton, but offered different interpretations of the roots of this support, its proper influence on Congress, and its future course. In assessing political consequences of their votes, legislators acted like investors involved in futures markets, and judged which opinions were likely to retain intensity in the coming months and years. Changing in a dynamic fashion in response to events, elites’ judgments, and polls, constructions of public opinion served multiple purposes, and were strongly tinged by assessments about the stability and basis of public opinion. The low use of present‐oriented time frames delegitimized citizen views. 相似文献
3.
武汉因COVID-19疫情,2020年1月23曰至4月8曰封城。作者集中观察了这76天里七个微信群里1300多个文件、图片、视频,思考社交媒体在这一时期所呈现出的舆论现象。作者赞同毛泽东的观点:要想使“舆论一律”是不可能的,也是不应该的。作者认为,注重舆论数量的考量,应对措施才会得当;要意识到并运用好社交媒体的自净化功能;我国网络舆论的管控需要法治化的改进。 相似文献
4.
如果受众对新闻失去信任,记者将失去在社会文化中的核心地位。而这种信任正在被侵蚀。随着煽情主义替代了客观报道,西方民主社会的受众正在逐步悖离新闻媒介。如果西方社会的媒体要重拾大众的信任,并在新增市场中被推进,新闻业就必须在内容和形式间求得平衡,而此平衡的取得须从新闻教育内部开始。 相似文献
5.
国外对于传媒与政治信任的关系有不少重要的研究,其研究的焦点集中在传媒是否对公众的政治信任有负面影响上,不少学者持"媒体抑郁论"的观点。但这种观点不断被检验,研究者发现不同传媒变量对不同层次政治信任的影响各不相同。国内在传媒与政治信任方面的研究比较缺乏。该领域的研究可以考虑综合运用质化、量化的研究方法、关注新媒体与政治信任之关系,以及探讨中国传媒与政治信任的关系。 相似文献
6.
David Buckingham 《The Communication Review》2013,16(1-2):51-60
This article explores some of the dilemmas and difficulties encountered by academic researchers (and specifically those who work on media audiences) in presenting their work in the public domain. It considers some examples of media coverage of debates about media audiences, raising questions about academic authority, research evidence and public knowledge. It points to the limitations of a view of such debates as “moral panics” and proposes a different approach based on social constructionist analyses of “social problems.” It concludes by considering some of the ambivalence and uncertainty that surrounds the increasingly common requirement for academics to become engaged with the public at large. 相似文献
7.
This online survey conducted at a public university in the Northwest (N = 434) examines the influence of political involvement, information source attention, and online political discussion on young adults’ political efficacy. A factor analysis indicated that political information sources loaded into three factors including conventional and online hard news media such as newspapers, opinion and social media such as blogs or social networking websites, and public affairs websites including government and candidate websites. A path analysis revealed significant differences in their association with online political expression and external efficacy. As an entry point in the theoretical model, involvement in public affairs positively associated with attention to political information sources, online political expression, and external political efficacy. Attention to hard news and to public affairs websites positively predicted political efficacy. Attention to online opinion and social media and to public affairs websites positively predicted online political expression. 相似文献
8.
Frederick Thomas Attenborough 《The Communication Review》2018,21(3):228-251
This article argues for the analysis of public engagement as an essentially mediated activity. Although recent studies note that academic knowledge is increasingly available for consumption by nonacademic audiences, they tell us little about how it gets recontextualized while passing through the hands of media professionals on its way toward such audiences. In Burawoy’s (2005) influential call for the rebirth of public sociology, as in the debates his work provoked, the media is treated solely as a means for the transportation of knowledge. But as this article demonstrates, the media does not simply transport knowledge; it also, and at the same time, translates that knowledge in various, rhetorically consequential ways. Focusing on the mediated trajectory of an attempt by a group of academics to connect with audiences beyond academia, their initial contribution is compared to its subsequent translation(s) across various British newspapers. A discursive analysis reveals the techniques via which a classic form of public sociology came to be recontextualized such that, remarkably, these authors were left appearing to voice nothing but their own petty prejudices. The article concludes by noting that where public engagement involves mediation, public sociology should pay more attention to the recontextualizing affordances of media discourse. 相似文献
9.
《广播与电子媒介杂志》2013,57(2):290-302
This study examined the shift away from traditional public affairs reporting toward sensationalism on the network evening news between 1968 and 1996. Using methods developed by Adams (1978) and extended by Slattery and Hakanen (1994), this study found an increase in the proportion of sensationalism in network newscasts over time. The study found that 1996 news content categorized as non-election public affairs coverage contained significantly higher levels of embedded sensationalism than similar content in 1968. 相似文献
10.
《Journal of Radio & Audio Media》2013,20(2):160-180
This narrative case study examines the news and information role played by WWL Radio and the United Radio Broadcasters of New Orleans during the real life drama of Hurricane Katrina. The performance of United demonstrates that media consolidation, deregulation and the threat of emerging technologies do not justify abandoning the idea that broadcasters still have a moral and ethical responsibility to serve the public interests of audiences; that traditional radio should stop looking over its shoulder at threats posed by other media, and instead should make use of the medium's greatest strength—taking care of the communities it serves on the local level. This study provides further proof that traditional radio is still vital, especially in times of disaster and catastrophe; that radio's attention to the local community, and its ability to collaborate among other broadcast outlets in that community, may be two of many distinct factors that keep the public tuned in to the medium. 相似文献
11.
Sue Curry Jansen 《传播与批判/文化研究》2013,10(3):221-245
Contrary to the prevailing view in media and cultural studies, philosopher John Dewey and journalist Walter Lippmann did not represent different schools of thought. They were not adversaries in a great public debate about the fate of the public in modern democracies in the 1920s. Rather, their exchange about the “phantom” public was reframed as a conflict in the early 1980s, a reframing which has achieved broad interdisciplinary acceptance even though its rests on a casual rhetorical trope, not historical documentation. The reframing provides a salutary but inaccurate origin story for American media and cultural studies, illustrates the hazards of relying on secondary interpretations of historical sources, and deflects attention away from realistic assessment of the problems confronting democracy today. Dismantling this disciplinary folklore is essential to the integrity of the emerging “new history” of media and communication. 相似文献
12.
Brandon Bosch 《Mass Communication and Society》2014,17(2):217-235
The people we see in news media can affect our perceptions of public opinion through exemplification. Although research shows that individuals interviewed in a news story can influence perceptions of public opinion, little attention has been paid to the role that source type and audience attitudes play in the exemplification process. This study tests how the exemplification process is influenced by different types of news sources featured in an article (e.g., vox pop, protester, and interest group interviews) and the audience's own political ideology. The study finds that the perceived typicality of sources is affected by both source type and how much an audience member agrees with the source. Source type is also found to directly affect perceptions of public opinion. 相似文献
13.
网络媒介的崛起,为媒体、公众和政府三者之间实现良性互动,构建富有生命力的主流舆论提供了技术上的可能性.参与舆论构成的各方,应努力实现社会意见相互交换的畅通,媒体从业行为的高专业标准以及意见表达的成熟与理性,为和谐社会的构建奠定基础. 相似文献
14.
Dr Peter C. Pugsley 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(3):231-245
Singapore's print media now presents frank and open discussions of sexuality, signalling what appears to be a liberating overhaul of the strict moral codes that have restricted media content for decades. The intensely competitive magazine market is leading the charge. This paper examines how magazines such as The Singapore Women's Weekly reframe discourses on sexuality to allow them to operate within Singapore's tightly controlled media system. Drawing from a Foucauldian approach to discourse and censorship, and broader themes of global capitalism and state rule, this paper contends that despite immense pressures to allow the print media and its wealth-generating advertisers a high degree of autonomy in terms of content, Singapore's sexual revolution operates within parameters set by a government keen to strike a balance between maintaining ‘traditional’ moral values and a more pragmatic approach toward sexuality centred, in part, on attempts to promote ‘civic nationalism’ and to arrest the declining birth-rate. 相似文献
15.
This study examines the triangular relationship of the press,the president and public opinion about the drug issue in theUnited States from 1985 to 1990. Agenda-setting theory servesas the theoretical foundation for the ARIMA time-series analysis,which attempts to address who is driving the public opinionformation process about drugs: the press, the president, orthe public. The study employs a unique method in that ‘mostimportant problem’ survey results from nine organizationsare quilted into a time-series of 70 monthly points to measurethe public agenda. The press agenda is based on a computerizedcontent analysis of the frequency of coverage of the drug issue,and the presidential agenda is based on a similar analysis ofthe presidents’ public relations agendas. The three univariatetime-series are identified, estimated, and diagnosed. Then thewhite-noise component of each is used in a cross-correlationanalysis to address the research question. The results indicatethat public opinion mirrors or immediately follows the press,though public opinion also drives the press agenda. Second,the study suggests that the president is following the publicagenda, though the president also has strong immediate influenceon public opinion. And, finally it suggests the president mirrorsand follows the media, in addition to following public opinion.The trend of opinion, when viewed in relation to the historyof events surrounding the issue, suggests that the public opinionformation process, as measured through the lens of public opinionpolls, may be a matter of public perceptions of the realityof the issue and of the pseudo-realities of information campaignsand presidential and press attention, which may have their originsback in the heart of the public concern. 相似文献
16.
In recent years, theorizing regarding the role and importance of media entertainment in everyday life has garnered much serious attention by media effects scholars. The role of moral judgments, sanctions, and lack thereof are areas in which theoretical development has expanded. The present study examines narrative exposure, identification, and moral judgment as indicators of the degree to which individuals may morally disengage during mediated entertainment experiences. In addition, this study attempts to further expand disposition theory and theorizing about the role of moral disengagement by moving beyond conceptualizations of good, bad, and morally ambiguous characters to explore more subtle moral distinctions between characters as they exist within the same narrative and along a continuum. Results suggest that identification and moral judgment serve as important mediators predicting moral disengagement; however, the nature of these relationships are moderated by the perception of the character’s moral fortitude. 相似文献
17.
基于共现分析的网络议程设置研究从认知心理学的角度出发,分析媒体议程与公众议程网络,更加贴近回答李普曼所说的“我们脑海中的图景”,但该方法只能体现议程网络中关键词间的显性关系。本文提出通过基于上下文语义的word2vec模型,测度网络议程设置中关键词隐性关系的研究方法。以“红黄蓝事件”为例,揭示党媒、都市类媒体、商业媒体、知乎意见领袖以及公众的议程网络及其相似度。研究发现,知乎意见领袖对公众议程的影响程度最大,其议程主要是对事件背后因果关系的梳理以及对策建议的提供。在媒体方面,党媒和都市类媒体报道基本一致,且二者对公众的影响均高于商业媒体。本研究是对现有网络议程设置研究的补充,对议程设置的本土化研究有一定的启示。 相似文献
18.
MASS MEDIA AND POLITICAL OUTSPOKENNESS IN HONG KONG: LINKING THE THIRD-PERSON EFFECT AND THE SPIRAL OF SILENCE 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
This study analyzes the impact of perceptions of the opinionsof others on political outspokenness in Hong Kong. Two relatedtheories, the third-person effect and the spiral of silence,are tested in the context of public opinion regarding the Sino-Britishdispute over Hong Kong's political future. To estimate the potentialinfluence of perceived public opinion on political outspokennessduring this political crisis, a representative telephone surveyof 660 respondents in Hong Kong was conducted in November 1993. As hypothesized by the third-person effect, perceptions of theinfluence of media reports about the Sino-British dispute onothers were found to be consistently greater than perceptionsof influence on self. Similar to previous findings, respondentswith a higher level of education were more likely to believethat the mass media influence others more than themselves. Thestudy also found empirical support for the spiral of silencehypothesis. Politically unconcerned respondents were less willingto voice their political opinions publicly when they perceivedthe majority opinion not to be on their side. Findings alsoindicate that the third-person effect indirectly influencesthe spiral of silence process through its impact on perceptionsof public opinion. 相似文献
19.
《Library & information science research》2014,36(3-4):154-162
At the beginning of the twentieth century, librarians, teachers, and parents wrote about the dangers to children of unlimited access to what was termed “sensational literature.” At the beginning of the next century, they struggled to deal with the dangers to children of unlimited access to the Internet. Although separated by a hundred years, they appear to be making much the same argument about the much the same issue, that of the public library providing unlimited access to minors to what some view as inappropriate or dangerous materials. However, a closer analysis of the discourse in the professional media regarding these two controversies, one that investigates the mechanisms underlying the changes in attitudes and practice, reveals that any similarities are primarily cosmetic.Such an analysis reveals that different issues were addressed and debated utilizing different social constructions of childhood and different social constructions of the public library and public librarians held by society as a whole and by librarians at the turn of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. 相似文献
20.
The “hegemonic” tradition argues that the president enjoys unparalleled power to manage news and opinion during war. This approach has dominated political communication literature on war and the media for over a generation. The war with Iraq, however, provides a major challenge to conventional wisdom. We believe that classical propaganda theory provides a useful corrective to the hegemonic perspective and offers a better way to understand the Bush administration's propaganda strategy and its impact on public opinion. Using a combination of content analysis, opinion data, and analysis of the administration's Iraq-related public addresses, we argue that the president neither dominated war news nor managed public opinion in the manner predicted by hegemonic theories. 相似文献