共查询到20条相似文献，搜索用时 328 毫秒
1.
Jörg Haßler 《Journalism Practice》2014,8(3):326-341
One aspect of the mediatization of politics is the idea that political actors adapt to the communication logic of news media to gain, for example, news media attention. Currently, this process may be influenced by the diffusion of the internet as a political communication channel, especially because online communication provides a new opportunity for political actors to communicate directly with citizens. Thus far, the adaptation to media logic by political parties has mainly been examined in the context of election campaigns. In order to transfer these findings to regular political communication, this study compares the use of media logic in the mass media and in direct political communication channels online and offline about the United Nations Climate Change Conferences 2011 and 2012. A quantitative content analysis of the conference protocols (input) and the presentation of the conference results in the seven most frequently used German offline news outlets (print and TV) and their online counterparts, as well as political offline and online communication channels like parliamentary speeches and websites of the six parties represented in the German parliament (output), was conducted. Results show that in the context of regular political communication, political actors seem to follow media logic to a lesser extent than in the context of election campaigns. Thus far, the influence of online communication on the mediatization of politics seems to be rather marginal. The causes and consequences of these findings are discussed. 相似文献
2.
政治信息沟通对传媒的诉求 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
李文冰 《浙江传媒学院学报》2004,11(3):90-91
政治信息沟通是一个国家政治文明建设的缩影.现代化传播媒介以其不可替代的优势,正日益成为世界政治舞台上重要的信息沟通工具.本文从解析传媒的政治功能着手,论述了传媒在当代政治信息沟通方面发挥重要作用的可能性,并对当代中国政治信息沟通对传媒的诉求进行了阐述. 相似文献
3.
Yung-I Liu 《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(1):46-73
Due to targeting strategies employed by political campaigns, campaign intensity is not uniform across the whole country. This study investigates how an individual's communication context, defined by geospatial characteristics created by campaigns, would influence his or her political learning. Data for this study come from three separate studies conducted during the 2000 U.S. presidential election. The results from a series of multilevel modeling analyses indicate that contextual-level political advertising and candidate appearances moderate the relationship between newspaper use and political knowledge, and the relationship between political discussion and political knowledge. This study not only demonstrates that conditional communication effects hinge on geospatial factors but also helps to develop contextual theories of communication that specifically address effects of contextual factors and cross-level interactions. 相似文献
4.
Thailand's political landscape has changed dramatically during the past five years. The rapid growth of communication technology in Thailand has been instrumental in generating political participation in the national elections of 2001 and 2005. In this article we provide the results of a benchmark study that assesses the early period of this political transformation. Specifically, we examined the use of television and of the Internet for political information by interviewing 500 urban residents. Our results indicate that likely voters actively gathered political knowledge from television advertisements and political party websites. Although use of television and the Internet for political purposes did not increase direct involvement in political parties, it did promote participation in the 2001 national election. Implications of these findings for future research on the use of communication technology for political communication in Asia are discussed. 相似文献
5.
This study, guided by family communication patterns theory, examined the role of family communication in political socialization. We tested whether certain communication styles were associated with higher levels of political similarity within the family. Additionally, the independent influences of the mother and father, as well as the direction of these influences, were considered. Results suggest that different communication styles are associated with higher levels of political similarity. Additionally, it was found that children were more likely to share their mothers' political attitudes than their fathers'. Explanations for these findings are discussed and implications focusing on the role of communication in the socialization literature are considered. 相似文献
6.
传播政治经济学领军人物麦切斯尼是批判学派中少有的批判与建构并行的学者。他运用政治经济学的路径揭示了美国商业化传播体制的种种真相,提出了传播拐点和传播研究革命的论断,并提出了各项媒介改革策略,对我们认识美国式商业化媒介体制多有裨益,对中国传播业和传播研究多有启示。 相似文献
7.
Philip N. Howard 《The Communication Review》2013,16(3):213-245
Campaigns are complex exercises in the creation, transmission, and mutation of significant political symbols. However, there are important differences between political communication through new media and political communication through traditional media. I argue that the most interesting change in patterns of political communication is in the way political culture is produced, not in the way it is consumed. These changes are presented through the findings from systematic ethnographies of two organizations devoted to digitizing the social contract. DataBank.com is a private data mining company that used to offer its services to wealthier campaigns, but can now sell data to the smallest nascent grassroots movements and individuals. Astroturf-Lobby.org is a political action committee that helps lobbyists seek legislative relief to grievances by helping these groups find and mobilize their sympathetic publics. I analyze the range of new media tools for producing political culture, and with this ethnographic evidence build two theories about the role of new media in advanced democracies-a theory of thin citizenship and a theory about data shadows as a means of political representation. 相似文献
8.
9.
Weiyu Zhang 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(5):474-492
This article utilizes two national representative surveys to examine the roles of political news use, political discussion, and authoritarian orientation in shaping political participation in two democratizing societies: Singapore and Taiwan. The regression findings show that in both societies, the effects of political news use and political discussion have to be conditioned on the type of political participation as well as the nature of the political system. Both mass and interpersonal communications are confirmed to positively influence contact and campaign participation, to different degrees depending upon the political system. Interaction effects between the two communication variables are seen as well. The authoritarian orientation is found to mainly interact with communication factors to shape political participation. Implications regarding communication influences on political participation in societies where authoritarianism is evident are discussed. 相似文献
10.
《Communication monographs》2012,79(3):303-332
The study of political mass communication information outlet effects has been dominated by two types of studies, those which focus on a single outlet and those which look at the comparative influence of multiple outlets. The current study seeks to advance a third study type by offering a theory of political campaign media connectedness. Three axioms are offered in this work. In addition, a series of hypotheses involving five political communication campaign information outlets (conservative political talk radio, FOX cable TV news, daily newspapers, national network TV news, debate viewing) are posited. This work emphasizes the need to understand how various information outlets function in coordination with one another to produce a potentially diverse set of direct and indirect political campaign media effects. Future lines of theoretical inquiry and empirical research are outlined. 相似文献
11.
Based on almost 50 years of combined experience as prison activists and prison teachers, the authors offer three case studies of prison activism and pedagogy in action. The first case study, by Hartnett, details the “artistry of agency” as enacted in poetry workshops in prison and in public poetry events, thus illustrating artistic communication. The second, by Wood, examines how friendship becomes political in the epistolary communication between free and imprisoned correspondents, thus addressing interpersonal communication. The third, by McCann, addresses web-based communication as a tool for advocacy for condemned prisoner/activists on Texas’s death row, and hence political communication. Taken as a whole, the three case studies celebrate different communication strategies as avenues of enlightenment and empowerment while offering powerful arguments for abolishing the prison–industrial complex. 相似文献
12.
13.
媒体是否能促进民主、怎样的媒体才能促进民主,这样的问题作为政治传播宏观效果研究的核心问题是当代中国政治传播的研究重点。经典自由主义理论和"公共领域"理论是西方政治传播学在该问题上的两大最重要的理论资源,本文对其进行批判式评析,以期对当代中国的政治传播宏观效果研究有所启示。 相似文献
14.
以布迪厄的场域理论为出发点,基于对南方Z市政务微信编辑的深度访谈,本文研究认为,政务微信生产实践宜理解为新闻场域与政治场域两种文化逻辑之间的融合与冲突,理解为其间各行动主体之间的博弈。具体地,政务微信的融合形态有四,即,"忠"且"传","忠"而不"传","不忠"而"传","不忠"且"不传"。融合中的冲突性元素源于各自相异的场域逻辑,显现为融合中的行动主体--行政领导与微信编辑--在投入与效果、有为与无为、代际差异三方面的博弈。不过,两大场域在目标上可能的一致性,即,政治安全前提下的市场致效,使得政务新媒体仍存在有机融合的空间。基于此,本文尝试性地将我国政务新媒体实践概括为"博弈性融合"。 相似文献
15.
Jessica MacDonald Milam & Renee Guarriello Heath 《Journal of Applied Communication Research》2013,41(4):366-386
Decision-making in community-based, interorganizational collaboration often influences educational, environmental, and other civic policies thereby constituting it as politically and socially consequential. As such, we rethink collaboration through the lens of participative democracy rather than as a neutral organizational structure or process. We sought to understand how participative democracy was hindered and accomplished in an interpretive case study of two community collaborations. Data indicate the normative processes and structures of communication practiced by stakeholders primarily deterred voice and participation by prioritizing information exchange, practicing invisible decision-making, and emphasizing harmonious relationships. These findings: (1) add to theories of interorganizational collaboration by establishing voice as both a discursive and political feature of shared decision-making; (2) provide empirical exemplars that extrapolate political and social implications from specific communication practices; and (3) inform the development of a heuristic to improve collaborative participation and increase political accountability. Flowing from these data, we recommend practitioners utilize the heuristic of VOICE—promoting visibility and ownership of decision-making processes, less emphasis on informing, and purposeful fostering of gracious contestation—ultimately delimiting expressive modes of communication that decrease participative democracy and political accountability. 相似文献
16.
As second screening becomes more widespread, this study addresses its mediating role on the impact of TV news in political participation online and offline, and how this impact varies across groups. We expand the existing line of research by assessing the moderating role of support for Donald Trump on the established mediated model. Through a cross-lagged autoregressive panel survey design applied to the communication mediation model, our results support the link between second screening and political participation—but the mediating role of second screening is contingent upon attitudes towards Trump. For those who do not view Trump favorably, second screening during news leads to a decrease in political participation, both online and offline. As such, this article adds to the communication mediation model by suggesting that discussion and elaboration may not always be positive antecedents to political participation. When individuals disagree with the message dominating TV news and social media, deliberation via second screening leads to political disengagement. 相似文献
17.
This study explicates the indirect process through which news media use influences political participation. Specifically, it investigates the role of political knowledge and efficacy as mediators between communication and online/offline political participation within the framework of an O-S-R-O-R (Orientation-Stimulus-Reasoning-Orientation-Response) model of communication effects. Results from structural equation modeling analysis support the idea that political knowledge and efficacy function as significant mediators. In addition, results expound the increasing importance of the Internet in facilitating political participation. Implications of findings, limitations of this study, and suggestions for future research are discussed. 相似文献
18.
ABSTRACT This experiment (N= 476) investigates how individuals evaluate political candidates who use informal communication on social media. We use expectancy violations theory (EVT) to predict that informal communication will lead to negative evaluations. Our results suggest that politicians’ use of informal communication on social media leads to expectancy violation, which decreases perceived credibility and lessens intention to support a candidate. This effect was not moderated by sex (male versus female) or age (young versus old) of the candidate, nor of participants being the same sex as the candidate. These findings suggest that political figures should use informal communication on social media with caution. 相似文献
19.
传播政治经济学诞生于20世纪40年代末,对上个世纪初以来的媒体改革运动的关注和主张是传播政治经济学社会实践性的表征,表明传播政治经济学非一般性的学术自足性研究。面对新的实践背景,需要对传播政治经济学的社会实践性做出评价。 相似文献