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1.
Our content analysis of 2,075 campaign stories aired by 3 broadcast and 3 cable networks during the 2004 presidential campaign revealed that female and non-White reporters at broadcast networks were generally more aggressive in their source use when compared to their male and White colleagues, using a greater number of sources and in most cases also allotting the sources more time. Female and non-White reporters at cable networks also tended, although less consistently and to a lesser extent, to use and give more time to female and non-White sources. 相似文献
2.
This research examines how TV reported the campaign and the candidates during Taiwan's first‐ever presidential election in 1996. A content analysis of evening news coverage of six TV stations indicated that the state‐owned broadcast TV stations were far more likely than the privately owned cable TV stations to give a greater amount of coverage and soundbites to the ruling party presidential and vice presidential candidates, using the ruling party officials as principal news sources. The TV Stations’ coverage also contained more news favourable to the ruling party candidates than to other candidates. The future may well see a turning point in TV election coverage as well as in general news coverage in Taiwan. The three state‐owned broadcast TV stations face competition from privately owned cable TV stations and may soon be confronted with the loss of public trust and audience, unless they can provide fair and balanced news free from government control. 相似文献
3.
《广播与电子媒介杂志》2013,57(1):162-174
Content analysis of 450 news stories broadcast by five Australian television networks over a period of one week indicated that men were generally over-represented as presenters, reporters, and expert sources. Female reporters predominated only in low-frequency, lower-ranked subjects. Although expert sources were mostly male, male and female reporters did not differ in their use of male or female sources. Despite increased participation of women in journalism, findings indicate a lasting association of men with higher status stories, source authority, sport, and hard news. 相似文献
4.
《广播与电子媒介杂志》2013,57(1):62-77
This study explores content differences in the evening newscasts of the cable all-news networks and compares the evening newscasts of the cable and broadcast networks. A content analysis found strong evidence of product differentiation in the major evening newscasts between the cable and broadcast networks as well as among the cable all-news networks. Each network contributed significantly to adding unique news to the daily television news pool and the topics of the unique stories were diverse. 相似文献
5.
Maria Elizabeth Grabe Lelia Samson Asta Zelenkauskaite Narine S. Yegiyan 《广播与电子媒介杂志》2013,57(3):285-306
This content analysis reveals that men and women network news correspondents differed in how they covered 4 presidential elections (1992–2004). There were fewer women than men reporters involved in election coverage, but on average, women reported more stories than men and were tonally tougher watchdogs than men. In terms of framing candidates, male reporters were strongly associated with a masculine approach that emphasized the competitiveness of campaigns. By contrast, women correspondents employed both more feminine and gender-neutral frames than their male colleagues. These findings were interpreted against the backdrop of information derived from in-depth interviews with 5 women reporters who appeared in the sampled content. 相似文献
6.
This study examined substantive political coverage of the first presidential debate and the political conventions in 2004 on The Daily Show with Jon Stewart and the broadcast television networks' nightly newscasts. The study found the networks' coverage to be more hype than substance and coverage on The Daily Show with Jon Stewart to be more humor than substance. The amount of substantive information in The Daily Show with Jon Stewart and the broadcast network newscasts was the same, regardless of whether the unit of analysis was news stories about the presidential election campaign or the entire half-hour program. 相似文献
7.
This study examined how race and gender of reporters and community diversity influenced use of women and minority sources in local television coverage of the 2002 governor's race in Michigan. Content analysis of campaign stories broadcasted by four local television stations revealed that women reporters were more likely than their male colleagues to use women and nonpartisan sources such as experts and ordinary citizens. But minority journalists were only slightly more likely to use minority sources and were less likely than nonminorities to use nonpartisan sources. 相似文献
8.
Using a relatively new approach, this study examines the agenda-setting effects of television and newspaper coverage of a prominent rumor from the 2008 presidential election: the rumor that Barack Obama was secretly Muslim. In doing so, we look at the relationship between online information-seeking behavior and mass media news coverage, expecting online behavior, such as search, to be a function of exposure to conventional news coverage rather than vice versa. Using Google search trends as a novel search behavior measure, we demonstrate that volume of news coverage positively predicts spikes in aggregate search. 相似文献
9.
This study examined two levels of media agenda effects on aggregatepublic opinion from different news sources. The effects wereinvestigated immediately and cumulatively. Content analysisdata from the 2000 U.S. presidential election coverage by fournational news organizations were related to the Gallup pre-electionpoll standings of each candidate. Regression analyses foundthat both the salience of a candidate and the salience of theattributes of a candidate cumulatively, but not immediately,influenced his standing in the polls. An analysis of news sourcessupported the finding that the two levels of agenda-settingeffects seemed mostly cumulative rather than immediate. Newsfrom different sources, however, tended to have effects of differentdegrees and sometimes different directions on candidate pollstandings. Cumulative effects of candidate salience on aggregateopinion change were found for non-partisan and neutral newssources—reporters, poll reporting and public documents—whereasthe effects of candidate attribute salience mostly came frompartisan sources—the candidate himself and members ofthe competing political party. Possible political implicationsof these findings are discussed. 相似文献
10.
Geri Alumit Zeldes Ph.D. Frederick Fico Ph.D. Serena Carpenter Ph.D. Arvind Diddi Ph.D. 《广播与电子媒介杂志》2013,57(4):563-580
This study conceptualizes news bias as a causal factor producing systematic imbalance in the coverage of conflicting sides. Partisan bias is distinguished from structural bias by coverage that systematically favors one side with more prominence and attention. Content analysis was used to compare the television networks' balance in their treatment of Republican and Democratic candidates in stories and segments covering the 2000 and 2004 presidential elections. Presidential candidates received balanced aggregate treatment in both elections. But individual networks differed in their partisan balance. CBS News consistently favored the Democratic candidate in both elections, unlike the mixed results for ABC and NBC. CBS's pattern of imbalance, especially in the 2004 election, suggests a possible political bias in its coverage. 相似文献
11.
This study has explored the US and Korean newspapers' election coverage in regard to their respective nations' female candidates relative to male rivals during the 2007–2008 presidential nomination campaigns. The findings reveal that both US and Korean newspapers displayed no bias in adopting personal, issue, and viability frames to cover the female candidates versus the male candidates. Additionally, the US dailies gave Clinton as much attention as Obama, as can be seen in the similar amount of articles, headlines, and primary coverage; however, Park, the female candidate in Korea, garnered a lower amount of articles and headlines, and was featured much less as the primary focus when compared to Lee, her male rival, in the Korean dailies. Evidence of biased coverage in the USA is found in the slant of coverage Clinton received. The overall tone of campaign coverage was less positive toward Clinton. While there was no tonal difference between Park and Lee in overall stories and headlines, the tone of Park's viability coverage was less positive than that of Lee, indicating that she was less likely to be the elected nominee for the party. 相似文献
12.
This study examined context variables (reporter speculation, multiple viewpoints, and story emphasis) and source variables (anonymous sources and source transparency) in broadcast television coverage of the 2004 Democratic presidential primaries. Primary coverage was compared with coverage of other major stories. Primary coverage was no more focused on conflict than were other major stories. Primary coverage was, however, more focused on winners and losers, and primary reporting was more likely to include reporter speculation. Primary stories were just as likely to include anonymous sources as were other major stories, but primary stories also were more likely than other major stories to fully identify sources. 相似文献
13.
14.
This article fills a gap in the communication and political science literature by comparing how Spanish- and English-language television stations cover U.S. elections. A content analysis of more than 400 national network news stories and nearly 3,000 local news stories reveals that local and network Spanish-language stations provide less election coverage than their English-language counterparts. Although Spanish-language stations are more likely to focus election coverage on “Latino” issues or interests, the results indicate only moderate differences in how stations in each language frame their election stories, with stations in both languages concentrating more coverage around campaign strategy and the horse race than substantive issues. 相似文献
15.
An examination of the news images of US presidential candidatessuggests that journalists portray candidates in ways consistentwith their position in the race. Strong candidates were generallygiven strong news images and weak candidates were saddled withweak images. Significantly, this pattern held also for the samecandidate if his position in the race changed. In 1988 Bush'snews image went from weak to strong when he surged ahead inthe polls during the general election. Such news images appearto affect voters' images of the candidates: to some degree,voters accept journalists' portrayals of the candidates. 相似文献
16.
This research examines how television reported the campaign, parties, and candidates during the 1995 Legislative Election in Taiwan. Results of this study showed that state‐owned broadcast television stations were far more likely than privately owned cable television channels to give greater coverage to the ruling party and its candidates, to use ruling party officials as news sources, and to offer more news coverage favorable to the ruling party than to other parties. We conclude that cable television has become a force for balance in coverage, diluting a pervasive pro‐government party bias. The rise of cable television from virtual “outlaw” status to government‐licensed status appears to have responded to a more liberal society and made a contribution to the development of democracy, as have the expanded elections themselves. 相似文献
17.
《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(3):257-272
This study assessed how capital city newspapers used male and female experts and nonexpert, uncommitted sources in covering open races for governorships in 2002. It examined 4 states with a female nominee and 5 states where both major candidates were male. Regardless of the candidates' gender, the overwhelming majority of nonpartisan sources cited were male. Female nonexpert sources appeared far less than their proportion in the population. The story proportion of women experts even intensified the gender imbalance of experts recommended by university news bureaus. Female reporters, however, had a greater tendency than their male colleagues to cite female nonpartisan sources. 相似文献
18.
《广播与电子媒介杂志》2013,57(4):524-536
Because local television has become the primary source for news, this study examined race and ethnicity in news stories, story assignments, and source selections. A content analysis of local newscasts found Latinos, Asian Americans, and Native Americans were virtually invisible as anchors, reporters, and subjects in the news. Although African Americans anchored and reported the news in some markets, overall there was segregation in story assignments. Rarely were Latinos, Asian Americans, or Native Americans interviewed as news sources. African Americans were used as news sources more than other racial and ethnic groups when 2 or more people were interviewed. 相似文献
19.
This article examines the effect that channel switching among news programs has on knowledge of the issue stands of the 2008 presidential candidates. Past studies focused on news-to-non-news-switching found news grazing to be negatively related to levels of political knowledge. Drawing on data from the 2008 National Annenberg Election Study (NAES) the study concludes that: 1) during the 2008 general election many viewers switched from one news program to another; 2) switchers were disproportionately those who reported closely following the election; 3) the level of channel switching was dynamic during the 2008 campaign and peaked during the parties' convention; 4) switching from one news program to another was positively related to knowledge of the candidates' issue stances, in the presence of controls, and 5) the impact of channel switching on knowledge is moderated by how closely one follows the election. The implication of the results and possible directions for future research are discussed. 相似文献
20.
This study examined whether the candidate-controlled public relations tools of political ads and candidate blogs were successful in influencing the issue and news agenda of the major television news networks during the 2004 presidential election. Data showed strong correlations between blogs and the media agenda. Advertisements did not correlate with the media agenda. Cross-lag analyses showed that the media set the candidates' agenda. The authors suggest intermedia agenda setting occurred as the media transferred their agenda to campaign blogs. 相似文献