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1.
Education,Democracy and Poverty Reduction in Africa 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
Clive Harber 《比较教育学》2002,38(3):267-276
This article explores the political relationship between education and poverty reduction. It argues that authoritarian rule in Africa has exacerbated levels of poverty and sets out six ways in which this has happened. However, the achievement of greater levels of democracy will not be possible unless political culture and civil society in Africa become more democratic but this will depend on the spread of more democratic values and behaviours. As democratic values and behaviours are socially learned and are not genetic, education must play a part in fostering greater democracy. The article then discusses three examples from Africa where education has not played a significant role in furthering democracy and provides some further examples of African countries where serious attempts are being made to try to change education systems in a more democratic direction. 相似文献
2.
Pascal Gielen 《The International Journal of Art & Design Education》2017,36(2):134-140
How can we understand the relationship between art, education and democracy in the contemporary Western political condition? The recent presidential elections in the USA showed that the classical model of liberal representative democracy is shaking on its foundations. The question is how can artists and education respond to this political condition? In this article it is argued that art has a special quality to address political, and especially democratic, issues. It can strengthen education in its lessons in democracy and citizenship. Art has a special quality to walk on an alternative path of democracy, namely that of the civil domain. In the civil sphere artistic qualities and skills of designing and of imagination can play a crucial role. 相似文献
3.
政治哲学家查尔斯·泰勒认为,民主文化以多元方式存在,民主文化的多元性现状可以基于社会想象研究而得以澄清。在泰勒看来,特定时空中的社会想象赋予特定实践以意义,民主理论必须渗入并改变特定时空的社会想象才能产生作用,民主的路径依赖性使得每个民主社会都形成了其独特的把自己理解为一个民主国家的方式以及符合这种理解的实践。每个民主国家的成员对其想象的共同体都具有强势的政治认同,而任何认同都是由他人的承认构成的,因而,各民主国家相互承认与尊重彼此的民主文化就成为必然要求。 相似文献
4.
肖徐波 《邵阳学院学报(社会科学版)》2004,3(6):11-13
村民自治对促进农村政治经济发展和社会稳定有着十分重要的意义 ,但对村民自治在中国民主建设中的定位问题还有深入探讨的必要。文章认为 ,村民自治在民主建设中已先行一步 ,但它永远不是民主建设的全部内容 ,中国的民主成长更需要高层的民主建设 ,需要高层民主与基层民主的联动、协调与相互促进。 相似文献
5.
闫立光 《唐山师范学院学报》2012,34(3):86-88
协商民主作为一种民主范式在中国的政治建设和社会治理中起了重要作用。近些年来,协商民主在新农村基层民主建设中的实践,创新了我国的基层民主制度。随着农村村民民主参政意识和维权意识的提高,协商民主适应了我国新农村基层民主建设中政府与村民互动机制的要求,同时它也是解决农村治理中民主困境的途径。协商民主在新农村建设中的运用有利于保证乡村事务决策的公正性,有利于控制权力滥用、防止腐败,也有利于建立和谐的干群关系,促进农村经济社会的发展。 相似文献
6.
孙娟 《山西大学师范学院学报》2011,(2):35-38
社会民主党在纲领上都是以政治民主为核心,主张政治多元化,在他们看来,政治民主就是要消灭阶级差别,实现人权和政治权利的平等,建立充分民主的政府,这种政治民主的表现形式就是多党制和普选权,公开反对无产阶级专政并且抹杀民主的阶级性,主张和平进入社会主义等等,其实质是维护资产阶级民主,走改良主义的道路,因此,认清社会民主党的政治民主观、人权观、国家观及政党观具有一定的理论意义。 相似文献
7.
毛泽东民主政治思想及其现实思考 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
张燕辉 《青海师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版)》2002,(3):70-73
毛泽东的民主政治思想主要包括，一．新民主主义革命理论为中国民主政治建设指明了方向。二．创造了具有双向重性质的人民民主专政政权。三．创立了人民代表大会的政权组织形式，四．坚持共产党领导下的多党合作与政治协商制度。五．对丰富和扩大社会主义民主作了有益的探索，毛泽东的民主政治思想是对马克思主义国家学说的创新和发展，在新的历史时期，毛泽东的民主政治思想对我们建设有中国特色的社会主义民主政治仍将具有重大的现实启示。 相似文献
8.
政治体制改革的原则必须与时俱进。原有政治体制改革原则是政治体制改革新原则的前提和基础,政治体制改革新原则是对原有政治体制改革原则的继承与发展,是对原有政治体制改革的提升、提炼和升华。政治体制改革的新原则包括:民主原则,即政治体制改革的启动机制是民主互动的,博弈机制是民主双赢的,以民主文化为支撑的,民主的实质是给人的尊严与幸福提供保障;宪政原则,即把民主纳入宪政的轨道,公民才有良质,社会进步才有良序;完善根本制度原则,即人民代表大会制度有很大的拓展空间;遵守宪法原则,即政治体制改革必须在宪法和法律的范围内进行。 相似文献
9.
何卫星 《襄樊职业技术学院学报》2007,6(3):101-103
协商民主理论是民主理论发展的最新成果,它不是对现有民主理论的否定,而是应对社会发展变化而作出的补充和发展。本文试图在协商民主的视野下,分析我国政治制度内在的协商民主基因及当前社会发展对协商民主的外在需求,指出按照协商价值对我国民主政治制度及运行机制进行调整和完善。 相似文献
10.
郭艳萍 《淮北职业技术学院学报》2014,(4):5-7
民主政治的实质要求和重要标志即为政治参与。网络政治参与以其独特的内容和规律给当前的社会政治发展带来巨大的影响。分析网络政治参与的正向作用与现存问题,对推进社会主义民主政治的建设具有重要的意义。 相似文献
11.
政治发展的核心要素之一是民主,民主是现代国家所追求的目标。在民主化道路过程中,各个国家建构了不同的民主模式,这就意味着中国的民主化会带有自身特点。其中,纵向民主提供了一种探析中国民主发展的新视角,它以社会和谐与秩序为价值理念,以信任为连接纽带,以自上而下的政治领导和自下而上的公民参与为结构特征。通过对纵向民主理论的阐释,试图说明中国民主政治发展道路的特点与不足。 相似文献
12.
Madeleine Arnot 《British Journal of Sociology of Education》1991,12(4):447-466
According to the Conservative Party, the ‘age of egalitarianism is now over’. This article explores the development of egalitarianism in the United Kingdom in the last decade and the threat represented by the Education Reform Act 1988. It focuses on the political struggles over gender and ‘race’ equality in education since the significance of these struggles appears to have been neglected in current reassessments of social democracy. Teacher autonomy, child‐centred learning and freedom of curriculum choice, as defined by social democracy, have been challenged by campaigns for social equality. Yet calls for increased state intervention and more coercive strategies of reform were not conducive to a participatory democratic order. The analysis, therefore, demonstrates the tensions between equality and democracy as political goals within advanced capitalist societies, and suggests that not only liberal, but also the egalitarian approaches of the 1980s require critical re‐evaluation. 相似文献
13.
党的十六大报告指出：发展社会主义民主，建设社会主义政治文明，是全面建设小康社会的重要目标。我国是一个有着两千年封建专制统治、缺乏民主素养和民主传统的国家，如何加快政治文明建设，突破口的寻找、民主建设路径的选择至关重要。村民自治的实践及其成效已显示出其对我国政治文明建设的积极推动作用。 相似文献
14.
Douglas Yacek 《Educational theory》2019,69(4):421-437
In light of recent political developments in Western democracies, several political commentators and theorists have argued that encouraging anger in citizens may contribute to social justice and should therefore constitute an aim of civic education. In this article, Douglas Yacek investigates these claims in depth. In doing so, he expands on previous work on the political and educational significance of anger — particularly by critical and “agonistic” theorists of civic education — in two distinct ways. First, Yacek explores the psychological costs and benefits of cultivating student anger. Second, he examines the potential cultural effects of anger in Western democratic societies. While sympathetic to the defenses of anger that have been recently offered in political and educational theory, Yacek concludes that we should be cautious about embracing anger in civic education. In particular, he argues that anger involves serious psychological risk, may exacerbate the social problems that it sets out to solve, and can lead to a disposition of adversarial and politically counterproductive closed‐mindedness. In the closing sections, Yacek suggests that experiences he calls “civic epiphanies” are central to cultivating a politically beneficial form of open‐mindedness, and argues that such experiences should therefore be encouraged in civic education. 相似文献
15.
邓小平民主政治思想博大精深，其中，对民主在社会主义建设总体中的作用与地位的界定是其核心，即没有民主就没有社会主义，就没有社会现代化。中国改革开放的20年，是邓小平民主思想形成发展的20年，邓小平领导的民主化放权始终是贯穿其中一根红线，政府机构改革是这根红线合乎逻辑的延伸与涵化，邓小平民主思想及其指导下的民主实践有3个基本特征：发展民主与保持稳定的统一，形式民主与实质民主的统一，民主建设与法制建设的统一，这3个“统一”对我国现在及今后的政治体制改革，民主政治建设有着特别得要的指导意义，我们必须坚持而不能背离。 相似文献
16.
《Educational Philosophy and Theory》2013,45(4):365-366
This paper explores the issue of democracy and the role of the democratic classroom in the development of society in general, and the way in which educators understand and deal with diversity in particular. The first part of the paper explores different meanings of democracy and how they can be manifested in the classroom. We argue that the idea of a ‘democratic classroom’ is far too broad a category; democracy is defined in action and can have realist or pragmatic characteristics, elitist or pluralist roots. The realist form of social education was championed by political scientist Charles Merriam, while a social educative process more dependent on pragmatic problem solving was pursued by educational philosopher John Dewey and those who followed in his theoretical wake. The history of democracy in the United States, and the battles of how to import different meanings of democracy into the classroom over the course of the 20th century is explored, suggesting that the educational establishment has a tendency to adopt more realist/elitist forms of civic education. We present five ‘democratic’ classrooms with different characteristics to illustrate the different characteristics social education can exhibit. In the second part of the paper we discuss the relationship between different types of democratic classrooms and issues of race/ethnicity/culture. 相似文献
17.
易顶强 《江苏广播电视大学学报》2008,19(4):75-78
表达权是公民的基本权利,也是构建民主政治的基石。依法保障公民的表达权不仅有利于民主政治的有序运行,而且在维护社会秩序稳定和谐方面起着不可或缺的作用。公民通过依法行使表达权来自由传播信息和表达意见,从而使得每一个公民都可以广泛参与国家政治生活和社会生活,维护其切身利益,并促进个人自主地位的形成。 相似文献
18.
《Critical Studies in Education》2013,54(2):122-137
This article reflects on emergent (radical-progressive) languages of democracy to consider what common educational institutions might mean today. It explores distinct philosophical and political tensions that cut across these languages in relation to educational organization and pedagogy including – antagonism versus exodus, transcendence versus immanence, pluralism versus multiplicity, democracy versus communism. In contrast to other theorists in education who have tended to privilege certain conceptual positions in these debates to address a wide range of educational issues, the author argues that these tensions should be read selectively and generatively for linking political questions concerning democracy to educational transformation. In conclusion, the article calls for a language of insurrectional democracy that integrates aspects of each approach and where strategic engagements with, and creative lines of flight out of, public institutions and the State play a role in reimagining a common education for a democratic society to come. 相似文献
19.
社会主义民主政治是历史上新的民主类型,是无产阶级的民主理想,是社会主义的本质体现;社会稳定是社会发展的前提和基础,是政府主要的价值选择,也是政府的执政目标：社会主义民主政治对于政治稳定具有积极作用,能够促使决策的科学化,为社会主义现代化建设提供政治保证,有利于预防和抵制腐败的盛行和危害,提高党的执政能力建设,可以防止独裁,保持政局稳定,社会和谐,还能够防止和抵御西方资本主义国家的和平演变。 相似文献
20.
实现政治文化的现代化必须对中国传统政治文化及其消极因素和腐朽成分进行批判性剥除,并植入适合当代民主政治发展的理性精神、价值理念和技术规范。“善治”理论打破了权利义务二元分张的民主政治发展模式,呈现出对社会变革和发展的适应性、前瞻性和正确的导向性,契合当代民主政治发展的要求。以善治为目标,对传统政治文化进行整合创新,既能赋予我国政治文化以现代化、民主化内涵,又有利于社会主义民主制度寻求新的合法性资源。 相似文献