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1.
Diana Dias 《International Journal of Inclusive Education》2018,22(4):360-374
An inclusive education goes beyond the acquisition of discipline knowledge or skills. Inclusion is concerned with the participation and integration of all students (regardless of their intrinsic characteristics), helping them to develop civic competences. Civic and democratic values, equality and social justice became critical dimensions in this broader concept of education. This paper argues that the incorporation of civic dimensions, such as civic knowledge, civic skills or civic values in academic curricula could be an effective step towards more inclusive education. Specifically, this work intends to explore what civic dimensions are emphasised as a learning outcome in Portuguese higher education programmes. Adopting a qualitative methodology, typologies and incidence of civic learning outcomes were analysed and compared across three academic levels (first, second and third study cycles). The results provide a better understanding of what civic dimensions are stressed by institutions. All types of civic learning outcomes have been reinforced, defining civic values, civic skills and civic knowledge as expectable learning results. Both civic values and skills are well represented while civic knowledge is the less mentioned category. The enforcement of such civic dimensions is a valuable approach to enhancing education as a collective societal endeavour and as a common good. 相似文献
2.
Amy Krings Elizabeth A. Austic Lorraine M. Gutiérrez Kaleigh E. Dirksen 《Equity & Excellence in Education》2015,48(3):403-417
This cross-sectional, repeated measures, quasi-experimental study evaluates changes in college students’ commitment toward, and confidence in, political participation, civic engagement, and multicultural activism. Our sample (n = 653) consisted of college students in a Midwestern university who participated in one of three social justice education course types (service learning, intergroup dialogue, or lecture-based diversity classes) or in an “introduction to psychology” course (the non-intervention group). After completion of a social justice education course, students reported an increase in political participation and multicultural activism, whereas students enrolled in the non-intervention group reported no changes in these measures. Service learning course participants started and ended their course with the highest reported levels of political participation, civic engagement, and multicultural activism but did not demonstrate an increase in any of the three outcomes. Intergroup dialogue participants demonstrated increases in all three outcomes, while participants of lecture-based classes focusing on social justice issues demonstrated increases in political participation and multicultural activism, but not civic engagement. Our findings suggest that participation in social justice education courses is associated with increases in political participation and multicultural activism. 相似文献
3.
AbstractBoth direct and indirect influences have been assumed to impact the transmission of political orientations within families. A lower socioeconomic status is related to lower intended political participation of adolescents. Within this context, schools play a crucial role in political socialisation, as citizenship education is assumed to either equalise or maintain these social disparities. We analyse a sub-dataset of the International Civic and Citizenship Education Study 2016 which includes 14-year-old students in four European countries: Belgium (Flanders), Denmark, Germany (North Rhine-Westphalia) and the Netherlands. Multi-level regression analyses reveal that formal citizenship education compensates the relationship between students’ socioeconomic status and intended electoral participation in Denmark, Germany (NRW) and the Netherlands, but not in Belgium (FL). Further, the composition of school classes is related to the perception of an open classroom climate in each of the four countries and to participation in civic activities at school in three countries. 相似文献
4.
Youth councils are examined as spaces of citizenship education where young people are educated as political subjects. At a time of political and economic instability data were collected in a Catalan city through tests and focus groups involving 112 students, three teachers and two youth council managers during one academic year. Students’ political trust decreased and their cynicism towards politics increased; there were no changes in students’ anticipated future participation. The article avoids drawing simplistic causal links between students’ involvement in a council and the expression of their views. The participants also discuss the councils as performance sites. It is speculated whether, in students’ views, this metaphor of performance applies not only to the councils but to the wider political context in which they live. It is argued that youth councils are, in some ways, potentially valuable for promoting participation and recommendations are made in light of the findings. 相似文献
5.
在高职计算机通识课程教学中,教师要牢记立德树人的根本任务,认真分析计算机通识课程的特点,加强“课程思政”建设,使学生在学习计算机知识与技能的过程中自觉提高思想道德修养,培养良好的计算机应用道德规范和信息素养。文章从研究的意义和价值,以及研究的目标、内容和创新等方面,对高职计算机通识课加强“课程思政”建设进行研究,以提高课程思政建设效果,为国家和社会培养高素质人才。 相似文献
6.
Meira Levinson 《牛津教育评论》2013,39(1-2):39-58
Inspired by concern about promoting civic participation and preserving the liberal democratic state, political theorists have recently reignited a debate about the nature of political education in a liberal society. These theorists' arguments in favor of teaching toleration are significant for the progress of education reforms currently being debated and implemented in current liberal democracies and some emerging nations. Despite the increasing attention paid to the value of liberal civic education, however, its specific content is typically left virtually blank. This article aims to redress this gap in the literature by developing a coherent and comprehensive (albeit still very general) curriculum for liberal political education. To this end, Section I analyses the nature of the ideal liberal democratic state and develops a general curriculum for liberal political education based on the type of citizens needed to preserve and take advantage of such a state. It concludes by introducing two potentially illiberal outcomes of this curriculum: children's forced development of the capacity for autonomy, and the reduction of diversity in the state. Section II argues that the development of autonomy is actually central to liberal theory and liberal education more broadly conceived, while Section III suggests that civic and social diversity will persist, but rightly play a secondary role to the goals of liberal political education. The article concludes, therefore, with a reassertion of the content and importance of liberal political education. 相似文献
7.
公民教育的实质是政治社会化,社会转型期我国政治社会化的当务之急是进行公民意识的培育。实证研究结果表明:大学生公民意识总体较强,大学是实施公民教育的重要场所,大学公民教育对社会性别、家庭背景等的负面影响具有补偿效应。但我国大学公民教育还存在如下突出问题:大学生民主参与程度普遍较低;大学生政治效能感不高;政治理论课在大学公民教育中未发挥应有的关键作用。 相似文献
8.
Jacqueline Witschge Herman G. van de Werfhorst 《School Effectiveness & School Improvement》2016,27(3):367-384
In this paper, the relation between the standardization of civic education and the inequality of civic engagement is examined. Using data from the International Civic and Citizenship Education Study 2009 among early adolescents and Eurydice country-level data, three-level analysis and variance function regression are applied to examine whether there is a relation between measures of civic education standardization and inequality in three dimensions of civic engagement: civic knowledge, interest in social and political issues, and participation in the community. Inequality is conceptualized as differences in students’ civic engagement between schools and the association between social origin and civic engagement. The results demonstrate that accountability is associated with more inequality in civic knowledge, whereas centralization is associated with less inequality in non-cognitive civic engagement. 相似文献
9.
高维峰 《重庆职业技术学院学报》2011,20(1):10-12
近年来,我国高等职业教育快速发展,高职学生群体迅速扩大,学生积极参与政治活动,实现自身政治利益的意识不断增强。但是也出现了一些现象,比如,高职学生政治参与心态由单一化转向多元化、高职学生政治心态呈现出双重性——政治敏感性和政治冷漠性,同时,学生整体上政治心态的功利性倾向日益明显。这些特点为今后研究高职学生政治参与心态提出了新的思考。 相似文献
10.
高校班级目标管理探索 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
黄晓丽 《黑龙江教育学院学报》2011,30(6):22-24
班级目标管理是利用管理学的科学方法对班级思想政治教育、学风建设、行为规范、职业生涯指导、心理健康进行目标管理。在实施班级目标管理的过程中,要注意学生的主导性、目标的具体量化和考核、激励和评价、辅导员的指导作用以及学校和家长的参与,从而进一步提高班级目标管理效能。 相似文献
11.
中职生公民权责教育初探 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
康婷 《河南职业技术师范学院学报(职业教育版)》2006,(1):83-85
完整的公民教育应包含公民品德教育与公民权责教育两个方面。然而，我国的公民教育长期以来只重视公民品德教育，忽视了公民权责教育，这种现象在中等职业学校中同样存在。文章阐释了公民权责教育的要义，分析了我国中职生公民教育中存在的问题，进而提出了在中等职业学校开展公民权责教育的途径和方法。 相似文献
12.
信任是一种资源,可以积累、储蓄,也可以削弱、透支,它是思想政治教育工作者赢得学生拥护和信任,取得教育成功的重要因素。信任储蓄是高职学生思想政治教育工作者积聚力量、厚积薄发的重要环节,高职学生思想政治教育工作者必须给予高度的重视。 相似文献
13.
准确定位,探索高职学生思想政治教育的有效模式 总被引：2，自引：0，他引：2
尝试从高职教育人才培养的特点出发,分析高职学生的思想状况,提出信念教育与社会实践、成长成才与服务社会、企业文化与校园文化相结合的高职院校思想政治教育工作新思路。 相似文献
14.
AbstractPreparing students to be effective citizens is a longstanding goal of public education. Historical content provides illustrative opportunities for civic learning. Teaching about the Holocaust exemplifies this approach. Employing an experimental research design with 865 secondary school students, we analyze effects on civic outcomes from learning about the Holocaust through a school-sponsored trip to a Holocaust museum. We find that lessons about the Holocaust increase students’ support for civil liberties and deepen historical content knowledge, but decrease religious tolerance. High school students and those from college-educated households drive increases in support for civil liberties, and these students are more likely to donate to human rights causes as a result of the intervention. Middle school students and those from less-educated households drive the negative religious tolerance effect. These findings suggest that history lessons can produce meaningful impacts on civic educational outcomes. However, a stronger educational foundation that comes with engaging with challenging political issues may be a vital prerequisite to avoid undesirable consequences. 相似文献
15.
This article performs exploratory research using a mixed-methods approach (structural equation modelling and a thematic analysis of interview data) to analyse the ways in which socioeconomic disparities in voting patterns are reproduced through inequalities in education in different national contexts, and the role of self-efficacy in this process. The evidence suggests that in Germany and England students with lower socioeconomic status (SES) have lower levels of general self-efficacy, and that this is reinforced through early experiences of inequalities in the education system, such as within- or between-school selection. Low levels of general self-efficacy are then found to reduce political self-efficacy and voting intentions. In Germany and England, it is these students who enter initial vocational education and training (IVET). The experience of IVET then reinforces the distinctions in civic engagement, probably either through peer socialisation and/or curriculum differences. In Denmark, where SES has a weaker association with track placement, the experience of being placed in IVET plays a stronger role in reducing political self-efficacy and voting intentions. 相似文献
16.
Joe Y. F. Lau 《Educational Philosophy and Theory》2019,51(2):163-174
AbstractThe 2014 Umbrella Movement was one of the most significant social and political events in recent Hong Kong history. This paper offers some initial reflections on the connections between the movement and broader issues related to civic education, critical thinking, and theories of education. First, it is suggested that the movement closely resembles a form of civic education known as ‘action civics,’ offering an alternative pedagogy that might encourage more authentic civic participation. Second, the movement raises questions about how the teaching of critical thinking can be made more practically relevant to modern citizenship. Third, the deep political polarization associated with the movement indicates that civic education and critical thinking training need to pay attention to cognitive biases that affect political ideology. Finally, the Umbrella Movement reflects the failure of democratization in Hong Kong and coincides with increasing political pressures on the local education system. We discuss how political reality connects to issues about democratic education, critical pedagogy, and the idea of political neutrality in education. 相似文献
17.
Csilla Weninger Ee Moi Kho 《Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education》2014,35(4):611-624
This article provides a historical overview of civic educational policy and political discourse in Singapore from 1959 to 2011, focusing on changes in the role attributed to students in the education process. A review of educational programmes and analysis of political speeches reveals that an earlier transmissionist approach that focused on value inculcation and factual knowledge has been supplemented recently by policy and discourse emphasizing student engagement. The authors link their analysis to larger political changes that have been taking place in Singapore. They argue that the push for more participatory forms of civics education parallels an ongoing shift in the ruling party's political ideology from economic pragmatism to a communitarian ideology that emphasizes citizens' responsibility. From the point of view of political rationality, promoting active student engagement in civics education can be seen as governmental efforts to build a strong civil society through early socialization into civic responsibility and voluntarism. Viewed as a technology of power, engagement is also seen as a new biopolitical intervention aimed at regulating political participation. 相似文献
18.
Ernesto Treviño Consuelo Béjares Cristóbal Villalobos Eloísa Naranjo 《The Journal of educational research》2017,110(6):604-618
The authors investigated to what extent teachers' practices and school characteristics can influence students' civic knowledge, civic attitudes, and future participation in Chile, Colombia, and Mexico and how this can be related to their specific curricular structures and educational content. It uses data from the International Civic and Citizenship Education Study. The results show that in Chile, Colombia, and Mexico, teacher practices and attitudes relate to the civic outcomes. Although teachers' practices and attitudes significantly predict students' civic knowledge, this relationship does not seem relevant for students' expected participation and students' attitudes toward diversity. Still, the democratic environment of the school is a relevant variable in the case of expected participation of students and their attitudes toward diversity, which shows a possible indirect influence of teachers through the school environment. The results are discussed in relation to the civic education curriculum in place in the countries analyzed. 相似文献
19.
高职院校课程思政是以大思政的理念系统建构通识课、思政课、专业课等课程内容的逻辑体系,实现课程思政元素与教学内容的有机融合,提升高职学生的职业素养。必须确立建立全人育人的教学改革机制、建构以生为本的系统化课程体系、培育契合岗位的立体化职业素养等理念。具体行动路径为:政学统一、理实一体,提升学生的思想境界;显隐结合、逐层推进,塑造学生的政治信仰;课堂参与、课外体悟,改变学生的职业认知;专兼结合、内外联动,培育学生的家国情怀。 相似文献
20.
新形势下,退役复学大学生思想政治教育工作应适应互联网时代的发展需求,顺应国家职业教育改革的要求,并且要符合退役复学大学生队伍的特征。但是,退役复学大学生思想政治教育工作中面临一系列的挑战,如互联网对退役复学大学生思想政治教育工作的影响,国家职业教育改革对于退役复学大学生的教育教学管理提出的新要求、退役复学大学生的心理健康问题等。因此,要做好退役复学大学生思想政治教育工作,包括学业规划指导、专业教育教学、心理健康教育、就业与创新创业指导等四方面。 相似文献