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1.
The use of second screens to dual-view television and social media is exponentially increasing. As a result, television producers are increasingly augmenting television content with social media comments from viewers, which may serve as a type of real-time public opinion indicator. The current research effort utilizes two experimental studies to explore the effects of this new media production practice on viewer's attitudes and opinions. In these studies, a Twitter feed was integrated in to entertainment (Study 1) and political (Study 2) television broadcasts and manipulated to convey either positive or negative opinions of the content. Participants' opinions were found to conform to the majority opinion presented in the manipulated Twitter feed in nearly all of the analyses. Implications for dual viewing and second screen use are discussed in light of findings. 相似文献
2.
Previous scholarship has argued that constructions of public opinion serve one of three dominant purposes: (1) to provide drama; (2) to promote particular strategic political interests; and (3) to symbolically legitimize the public's role in democracy. This paper analyzes media and legislator constructions of public opinion in the Clinton‐Lewinsky scandal. We assess the uses of public opinion and the purposes to which they were put, and particularly examine the use of different time frames in this discourse. Throughout the scandal, the public remained firmly ambivalent about President Clinton, with majorities supporting him remaining in office, even as they disapproved of his sexual relationship with Ms. Lewinsky. However, the media frequently emphasized the possibility that public might change, and this future orientation was joined to a strongly disapproving emphasis on public morality, rooted in a construction of past values. Later the media took present public opinion as a given, but political implications for the present and future framed the coverage. Once the scandal came to Congress, members of Congress usually recognized the public's support for President Clinton, but offered different interpretations of the roots of this support, its proper influence on Congress, and its future course. In assessing political consequences of their votes, legislators acted like investors involved in futures markets, and judged which opinions were likely to retain intensity in the coming months and years. Changing in a dynamic fashion in response to events, elites’ judgments, and polls, constructions of public opinion served multiple purposes, and were strongly tinged by assessments about the stability and basis of public opinion. The low use of present‐oriented time frames delegitimized citizen views. 相似文献
3.
A content analysis was conducted of the posts generated by mass media organizations and public opinion leaders on the Chinese social media platform Sina Weibo to investigate the associations between several communication message cues and opinions about people with depression (N = 102). The study revealed that the posts of the influential users were more likely to be stigmatizing when they communicated stereotypes, but less likely to be stigmatizing or more likely to be supportive when they made personal, genetic and medical, and social and environmental cause and responsibility claims. The posts were also more likely to be supportive if the influential users presented treatment and recovery information. In addition to finding out what communication cues activate the influential users' stigmatizing or supportive opinions, the study also examined and found the impact of the influential users' opinions on their followers' opinions on this issue (N = 8261). The findings showed that the public opinion leaders were more likely than the mass media to express support for people with depression. This support then translated into supportive responses among their followers toward those living with the disease. 相似文献
4.
Benjamin Gonzalez O’Brien Elizabeth Hurst Loren Collingwood 《Mass Communication and Society》2019,22(6):756-778
The refugee sanctuary movement in the United States has shifted to include undocumented immigrants fleeing violence and economic strife. Given the negative tenor of coverage of undocumented immigration, and ties between framing and policy views on immigration, how the media frames sanctuary cities is likely to impact public perceptions of these cities and their policies. To assess media coverage of sanctuary policies, we analyzed articles from five national newspapers from 1980 to 2017 with both human content analysis and dictionary-based computational analysis. We find that framing around religion/morality and conflict has decreased, while stories focusing on crime and partisanship have increased. We discuss implications for public opinion and the likelihood that the American public will take their cues from media framing and elite discourse when it comes to sanctuary policies. 相似文献
5.
Social media rumors are improvised and expressive forms of public opinion that especially arise under uncertain sociopolitical situations. This study utilizes early rumor studies as theoretical framework for textual analysis of Twitter public opinion. A content and semantic network analysis of Twitter messages spread during Korean saber rattling in 2013 was conducted for understanding public opinion in an uncertain context. The results show that, while non-rumor narratives focus on policy-level responses to the threat situation in a similar manner to institutionalized opinion polling, rumors are less concerned with official responses, instead reflective of hegemonic tensions between anti-leftwing political sentiments and the counteractive accounts. Some rumors reveal the public's coping with fears in the form of humor, guesswork, or wishes. Online rumor analysis helps understand how the society's collective memories interact with the current situational uncertainty in shaping public opinions and sentiments. 相似文献
6.
为防范和化解平台型媒体建构进程中的网络意识形态风险,文章从平台型媒体的学理内涵与基本特征入手,分析网络传播格局中意识形态风险的趋向与类型,指出平台型媒体具有数据资源的聚合性与吸附性、内容生产的开放性与多元性、技术平台的连接性与智能化、媒体把关的专业性与导向性以及信息传播的节点化与圈层化等特征。平台型媒体在连接资源和聚合用户的同时,面临主流意识形态网络话语权弱化、西方势力网络意识形态渗透、“群体极化”的网络舆情传导、平台技术理性与媒体价值理性失衡等多重叠加的网络意识形态风险。结合网络意识形态风险去中心化、智能化、隐蔽性的新趋向,提出平台型媒体规制网络意识形态风险的关键路径,即强化网络主流思想舆论引导、重塑媒体平台的把关机制、依托需求价值链开展用户网络意识形态教育,以期增强主流意识形态在网络舆论空间的引导力、传播力和影响力。 相似文献
7.
Jeffrey W. Jarman 《Communication Research Reports》2016,33(1):9-15
Political fact-checking assumes that a rational public will use accurate information to update their opinions, especially on important issues of public policy and political campaigns. Current research on the effectiveness of fact-checking does not provide a clear conclusion. The purpose of this study was to examine the role of political affiliation and type of fact-check criticism (false/half-true) on evaluation of President Obama’s statement that immigration reform would not provide amnesty to undocumented persons living in the U.S. Results confirm differences for political affiliation and type of fact-check. 相似文献
8.
Hamideh Molaei 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(5):490-504
This paper aims to investigate the level of civility of Indonesians' political discussions on Facebook. Civility, which has always been an important concept in online political discussion, is particularly significant when there is diversity of opinions and disputation. While previous studies have focused more upon factors such as anonymity's role and its relevance to civility, this paper proposes two further important factors: (1) diversity of opinion and disagreement in discussion and (2) the cultural context of the country and how it determines civility and politeness in online debate. Qualitative content analysis of Indonesians' political discussions on Facebook revealed that polarized political views and the people's politeness culture were two significant factors underpinning the high level of civility in political discussion. 相似文献
9.
The spiral of silence (SoS) framework elaborates the factors that determine whether individuals are willing to express their opinions in public. Although previous scholarship has examined differences in between face-to-face and computer-mediated communication, research studies have rarely tested how perceived affordances of the channel influence whether individuals express opinions or self-censor. In this study (N = 399), we examine several propositions of SoS within the context of discussing police discrimination on Facebook. To extend the theory’s relevance to social networking sites, we examined how users’ perceptions of network association, social presence, anonymity, and persistence related to opinion expression. Findings indicate support for some of the theory’s original tenets, as well as the role of multiple perceived affordances in determining whether people will express an opinion to their online social network. We discuss the implications for measuring and understanding political expression and silencing on social media as well as offline. 相似文献
10.
网络媒介的崛起,为媒体、公众和政府三者之间实现良性互动,构建富有生命力的主流舆论提供了技术上的可能性.参与舆论构成的各方,应努力实现社会意见相互交换的畅通,媒体从业行为的高专业标准以及意见表达的成熟与理性,为和谐社会的构建奠定基础. 相似文献
11.
Using the issue of genetically modified foods, this study examines how the Internet may affect the spiral of silence phenomenon in South Korea. More specifically, we explore whether the Internet has created a social environment, where people can exchange opinions more freely without being fearful of social isolation. Analyzing data from an online survey, we first examine whether the Internet can play a role as a source of information, from which people assess the climates of public opinion. Also examined is whether the opinions of netizens can comprise another form of opinion climate, exerting pressure on one's willingness to speak out. Finally, we explore whether expressing an opinion on the Internet is subject to the pressure of opinion climates. Findings suggest that the Internet may play an important role in shaping people's perceptions of opinion climates. Perceived opinion congruence with other people were significantly associated with one's willingness to participate in an online forum, indicating that expressing an opinion on the Internet may be subject to the spiral of silence effect. We conclude that the Internet in South Korea may not have helped to diminish the social pressure that keeps citizens from expressing a minority view. 相似文献
12.
《Journalism Practice》2013,7(5):741-759
This study explores how differently and similarly the liberal and conservative newspapers in South Korea framed the Arab Spring in their opinion sections. By employing a qualitative framing analysis of editorials and columns, it found that the ideological views of the news outlets themselves had a considerable influence on the opinion discourses. Compared to the liberal papers, the conservative papers more persistently linked the Arab Spring to South Korea's confrontation with North Korea and portrayed the North Korean regime as the world's most infamous and brutal suppressor of human rights. While the conservative papers rarely saw the Arab Spring as the result of West-led neo-liberal globalization, the liberal papers characterized the Arab Spring as being part of the resistance to “neo-liberalism.” This ideological divergence media made possible the presentation of a variety of views about a public issue within a South Korean context. However, it is a matter of grave concern that news outlets' ideological orientations can also impede the objective presentation of an international issue or event, such as the Arab Spring. 相似文献
13.
The WTO protests in Seattle witnessed the emergence of an international citizens' movement for democratic globalization. With the tactical exploitation of television, the internet, and other technologies, Seattle also witnessed the enactment of forms of activism adapted to a wired society. In the wake of Seattle, this essay introduces the “public screen” as a necessary supplement to the metaphor of the public sphere for understanding today's political scene. While a public sphere orientation inevitably finds contemporary discourse wanting, viewing such discourse through the prism of the public screen provokes a consideration of new forms of participatory democracy. In comparison to the public sphere's privileging of rationality, embodied conversations, consensus, and civility, the public screen highlights dissemination, images, hypermediacy, publicity, distraction, and dissent. Using the Seattle WTO protests as a case study and focusing on the dynamic of violence and the media, we argue that the public screen accounts for technological and cultural changes while enabling a charting of the new conditions for rhetoric, politics, and activism. 相似文献
14.
This paper explores the role of perceptions of the opinionsof others as they relate to the formation of public opinion.Two interrelated theories involving such perceptions, the thirdperson effect and the spiral of silence, are tested in the contextof public opinion regarding divestment of financial interestsin South Africa. As hypothesized by the third person effect, perceptions of theinfluence of media reports on others were found to be consistentlygreater than perceptions of influence on self. Findings werestrongly supportive of this component of the ‘third personeffect’ hypothesis. Perceptions of the opinions of otherswere also explored in relation to respondents' willingness toexpress their opinions publicly. As suggested by the spiralof silence theory, respondents were found to be more willingto express their opinions publicly when they perceived a trendin support of their viewpoint, or when there was a greater perceivedlikelihood of achieving success for their issue position. The size of the effect produced from joining these two processesis moderated by the role of issue salience. People perceivingdivestment as a highly important issue are more likely to ascribegreater media influence to others than to themselves, but theirwillingness to express their opinions publicly is least likelyto be influenced by perceptions of the climate of opinion. 相似文献
15.
本文基于2010-2018年10600起舆情事件,考察了事件本身属性、媒介传播、网民参与及政府干预对网络舆情热度的影响。多元分层回归模型的结果表明:1.环境和文化体育类事件网络舆情热度较高,反腐倡廉类事件网络舆情热度较低;因为大型活动和科技发现引发的舆情事件传播热度较高。2.由传统媒体、网络新闻首次曝光的舆情事件热度较低。3.出现第三方、网络谣言、网络动员的舆情事件热度较高,意见领袖的出现对网络舆情热度没有显著影响;网民舆论倾向性非常正面的舆情事件传播热度较高。4.网络舆情事件中如果国家部委进行了干预,则舆情热度较高;政府干预的时效性越差,网络舆情热度越高;政府采用新闻发布会、社交媒体回应的舆情事件热度较高,利用对外公告或文件回应的舆情事件热度较低;政府干预级数与网络舆情热度正相关。 相似文献
16.
Lars Willnat 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(2):47-67
This study analyses the impact of perceptions of the opinions of others on political outspokenness in Hong Kong. Based on the results of two representative telephone surveys conducted in Hong Kong in 1993 and 1995, the spiral of silence theory is tested in the context of public opinion regarding the Sino‐British dispute over Hong Kong's political future and the 1995 Legislative Council election. As hypothesized, respondents in both surveys were more willing to voice their political opinions publicly when they perceived the majority opinion to be on their side, or when they perceived a trend in support of their own political viewpoint. However, this effect was observed only for respondents who were not much concerned about either issue. People's political outspokenness was primarily boosted by higher issue salience, more exposure and attention to television news and news magazines, and higher political interest and efficacy. 相似文献
17.
This study examines the ways that the Korean American diasporic press constructs identities of its own ethnic group as well as those of other racial/ethnic groups by employing both quantitative and qualitative research methods. The author identifies three metaframes of diasporic media's representations of interracial relations—(a) internalization/resonance (related to racial/ethnic minorities), (b) transparency (related to Whites), and (c) offset (related to their ethnic members)—as ways that the diasporic media adopt, adapt, and counteract prevailing racial ideologies in their new host country. The diasporic media offset the negative images of their own ethnic members in the mainstream media by depicting the roles of their own group as victims of other racial/ethnic groups. Findings indicate that Korean Americans were frequently shown as victims of crimes (mostly related to Blacks), racial discrimination (mostly related to Whites), problematic laborers (mostly related to Latinos), and business rivals (mostly related to other Asian Americans). 相似文献
18.
Iana Sabatovych 《The Reference Librarian》2019,60(3):202-211
This study explored the potential of using sentiment analysis of tweets to predict referendum choices (Brexit). The feasibility of using StreamKM++ in the massive online analysis framework was examined over five categories, ranging from strongly agree to strongly disagree (to exit). A Naïve Bayes classifier was used to classify people’s opinions according to these categories. The prediction model resulted in high accuracy (97.98%), making it possible to use it in predicting opinions about public events and issues. The findings from this study may help practitioners, and policymakers understand the importance of sentiment analysis of social media in assessing public opinion and, accordingly, making certain voting predictions. 相似文献
19.
In this paper we present the results of a longitudinal studyin public opinion on unemployed people during the period 1975–87.The study relates to 1) opinions on the extent to which socialsecurity laws are abused, 2) the degree of condemnation of suchabuse, and 3) the image projected on the unemployed. In theyears up to 1980 public opinion was rather negative, but a strikingimprovement accompanied the marked increase in unemploymentrates during the early 1980s. As unemployment dropped duringthe second half of the 1980s public opinion regarding the unemployedseemed to deteriorate again. 相似文献
20.
《Journal of Media Economics》2013,26(3):177-192
In the backdrop of China's entry into WTO in 2001, this article discusses changes in China's media policies, recent developments in the market environment, and foreign investments. This article concludes that although it's still a tightly controlled media market, foreign media investors are making significant inroads into China, the WTO will not constitute an effective external driving force in the opening-up of China's media sector; and the increasing demands for more high quality programs may exert pressure on the authorities to open the door wider. 相似文献