共查询到19条相似文献，搜索用时 203 毫秒
1.
主题性报道是为宣传党和政府的重大部署、重大决策、重大活动所进行的集中的、大规模的战役性报道。近年来,主题性报道在新闻宣传中出现的密度越来越高,各级媒体对其的组织实施也越来越重视,成为显示一家新闻媒体的组织策划和报道水平、提高媒体影响力的关键一环。主题性经济报道以一定时期党委、政府的中心工作为基础, 相似文献
2.
从美国媒体报道看PNTR的通过 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
20 0 0年美国媒体对中美永久正常贸易关系 (PNTR)的报道 ,数量大、范围广、观点多。同时 ,围绕这一主题的报道 ,又体现出经济问题政治化、国际报道国内化的特点。总之 ,政府和工商界的影响 ,媒体自身的利益 ,推动了此次报道较以往对华负面报道的积极变化 ,促成了PNTR的通过。但美国媒体对PNTR的正面报道应看作是特例。 相似文献
3.
美国媒体一向以与政府对立而闻名于世,然而令人困惑的是,在对外报道中特别是战争报道中却能与政府配合默契。如“一战“和“二战”,美国报纸和杂志等媒体紧随政府的政策和态度;朝鲜战争和越南战争初 相似文献
4.
随着媒体技术和传媒工业的迅猛发展,媒体文化以其强劲的发展势头和无处不在的影响力已成为美国政治、经济、文化生活中一支举足轻重的力量。媒体文化在政治、经济利益及社会责任意识的驱动下对美国总统政治产生了巨大的影响。通过参与总统竞选、披露政治丑闻和报道总统及政府的重大决策,媒体文化在总统竞选、民主政治和政党地位方面带来了一系列变化。 相似文献
5.
2008年11月4日,随着奥巴马以明显优势战胜麦凯恩,成为美国首位非洲裔总统,历时两年之久的美国总统大选终于落下帷幕。有关选举的报道引发了民众极大的关注与兴趣,同时媒体的选举报道本身也显示出一些鲜明的特点。 相似文献
6.
国内众多新闻传媒专家的研究显示,美国主流媒体对中国的报道存在丑化中国的倾向。而针对中国学者对美媒体的批判,美国相关学者也进行了相应的反击。基于新闻界学者的研究现状,本文拟从语言学角度,运用批评话语分析的语篇分析方法,以美国最大的有线电视网络媒体CNN对中国的新闻报道为例,探析美国媒体对中国报道的典型语言手段,以及由此体现的美国媒体对中国报道的主观倾向。 相似文献
7.
我国新闻媒体“事业单位,企业管理”的双重属性,使其具有政府喉舌与市场主体的双重角色身份。这种身份促使媒体在公共危机报道中形成了既服从政府统一报道口径的安排,又寻求自由报道空间来赢得市场的“中间角色”。本论文通过梳理2008年至2013年重大公共危机事件中媒体扮演“中间角色”的情况,试图总结出政府统一报道口径的公共危机事件的类型,以及媒体寻求独立报道的路径,从而描绘出我国媒体在公共危机事件中的真实报道空间。 相似文献
8.
本文以媒体建构论为理论框架,对六家报纸2007年太湖水污染报道进行内容分析,从消息来源、报道主题、风险归因方式及报道立场等方面考察媒体如何报道与呈现相关环境风险。研究发现,不同类型媒体在消息来源与风险归因方式上不存在显著差异,均高度依赖政府信源,存在简单化归因倾向;但在报道主题和报道立场上存在显著差异,当地媒体在政府主导型的报道框架下表现出明显的负面新闻正面报道的宣传逻辑。 相似文献
9.
众所周知,美国是世界上传媒业最为发达的国家之一,其媒体在国际传播中也举足轻重.就经济新闻报道而言,普利策经济新闻获奖作品对某些经济现象报道的频率及与此相关的社会反应值得研究.同时,该获奖作品对经济新闻报料的选择往往多有取舍,这与传播者对经济新闻报道的价值选择密切相关.该文选取2005～2015年普利策经济新闻报道获奖作品的内容进行分析,通过报道数量、报道议题、报道倾向性等方面,据以研究美国经济新闻报道的价值选择,以及对我国媒体经济新闻报道的启示. 相似文献
10.
皮尤调查公司2017年1月的一项调查数据显示,①在2016年的美国大选中,FOX News和CNN位列美国选民获取大选信息渠道排名的第一和第二位,居第三位的是社交媒体Facebook.美国两党候选人特朗普和希拉里都非常重视对社交媒体的运用.据报道,2016年美国大选的政治广告支出比2012年高出约20％,而社交媒体的支出占到电子媒体支出的一半以上.②可见,社交媒体已是一种“常态化”的存在,成为美国大选选战中不可忽视的一种政治宣传渠道. 相似文献
11.
Seong Choul Hong 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(1):86-106
The objective of this study is to explore whether the US media overemphasized recalled Chinese products in 2007 and, if so, how news coverage in the US media differed from that of the Chinese media. By using a framing analysis of the coverage in two US media and two Chinese media, this study pursues answers to these questions. After comparing the news coverage of the recalled Chinese products and a real world indictor, this study found that neither US nor Chinese media mirrored the real world phenomenon as it was. By comparing news coverage of the issue in The New York Times and The Associated Press with China Daily, and The Xinhua News Agency, the study found that news coverage of the recalled issues differed significantly in terms of the sources used, the nationality of the source, the dominant frames employed, and the attribution of responsibility for the problems. In particular, Chinese media more frequently employed government officials as their main sources, which inherently increased the use of thematic frames. By contrast, US media often used episodic frames. Likewise, American media approached the issues using ‘Customers' Worries’ and ‘Broken System’ frames, whereas Chinese media often attempted to defend the quality of Chinese products and criticized Western media for exaggerating the issues. Owing to the news framing process, US audiences might have acquired more negative images of Chinese products and China in general. By contrast, their Chinese counterparts might have experienced increased antipathy and distrust concerning the American media. 相似文献
12.
This study analyzes US and South Korean news coverage of the H1N1 pandemic to examine cross-cultural variations in attention cycle patterns, cited sources, and news frames. A content analysis was conducted on 630 articles from US and Korean newspapers during the period of April to October 2009. It found that attention cycle patterns, news frames, and sources varied across the two countries according to professional norms, cultural values, social ideologies, and occurrences of relevant events. While US news coverage showed two phases of waxing and waning attention, Korean news coverage showed five phases. The frames used in US news stories placed more emphasis on attribution of responsibility, action, and reassurance. Other framing variations were found as news attention in each country rose and fell. Regarding sources used, Korean news stories relied more on governmental sources, while US news stories used a greater diversity of sources. This study advances research on variations in the attention cycle for transnational issues by specifying how journalists’ framing of social problems can differ according to the following: cultural factors, the shape of the news attention cycle, and the occurrence of events related to the issue at hand. 相似文献
13.
本文运用西方新闻学研究的框架和符码理论对美国媒体有关中共“十六大”的报道进行定性和定量分析 ,旨在揭示美国媒体与主流意识形态间的互动关系 ,加深我们对美国媒体国际新闻报道运作规律的认识 相似文献
14.
《Journalism Practice》2013,7(5):636-651
This study explores whether the US media, particularly television, radio, and newspapers, met the expectations of international journalism educators concerning the coverage of world news. Four focus groups with 34 journalism educators from 29 countries were conducted in the United States. A critical discourse analysis shows that most journalism educators' expectations were not met because they found world news coverage to be deviant from the reality in their respective countries or regions. Discussion focuses on how the discourse could help us to understand how to coalesce international journalistic practices and information gathering in a new global hi-tech era, not only for the US media, but for other media systems around the world. 相似文献
15.
Jong Hyuk Lee 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(3):302-318
This study examined whether news value indicators influenced sports coverage of the 2002 World Cup soccer games by using a newsworthiness model. The model hypothesized that the more significant and the more deviant an event is, the more prominently the event is covered by the media. Significance and deviance of each match in the World Cup games are operationally defined by using world rankings such as FIFA points, William Hill betting points, and CNN power rankings. Prominence of media coverage for each match was measured as the dependent variable in four different contexts: US traditional media, US online media, Korean traditional media, and Korean online media. The results of our study show that the newsworthiness model is partially effective in predicting media coverage of sports events. Traditional media coverage is better explained by the newsworthiness model than online media coverage. 相似文献
16.
This study compared newspaper frames of the 2013 Asiana Airlines crash in the three countries involved: the USA, Korea, and China. The results revealed distinct patterns of news coverage under the particular influence of national interests. The responsibility frame was the most frequently used, but the attribution of responsibility varied across the three countries. US newspapers overwhelmingly attributed the causation to pilot error, Korean media framed the causation as being open to multiple explanations, and Chinese newspapers were less likely to speculate about causation before the final official conclusion was reached. US and Korean media maintained a negative tone toward each other, while Chinese newspapers took a similar standpoint as the US media but were slightly less negative toward Korea. Further, divergence of news frames used across countries was associated with the different use of sources by different newspapers across countries. In particular, Korean media indicated reluctance to use US officials and a preference to cite alternative sources which offered diverse opinions regarding the attribution of responsibility. Finally, emotions of the crash stories varied by attributions of causation in Korean but not in the other countries’ news reports. 相似文献
17.
This study revisited the state–press relations theory by analyzing the coverage of Vietnam over the 30 years between 1980 and 2009 in two leading American news magazines, Time and Newsweek . A contribution of this research is its context of the long-term and volatile relationship between these two countries. Despite progress in the diplomatic relations between the United States and Vietnam, the portrayal of Vietnam in US media remained unchanged. This finding indicates that American media do not always support the US government's political stance when covering international news. It suggests a new direction for future research applying this theory. 相似文献
18.
Andrew Kennis 《传播与批判/文化研究》2013,10(4):386-409
This is a study of US-based print media coverage of the indigenous-led uprising in Ecuador which occurred in January 2000. As a result of having mobilized tens of thousands of Ecuadorans, the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador managed to peacefully force the resignation of a President who had presided over one of the worst recessions in Ecuador's modern history. Nevertheless, most US news dailies covered the affair as if it was purely a military coup and a threat to democracy, in spite of the existence of hundreds of citizen-led, participatory governing councils (called the “People's Parliament,” by Ecuadorans). Previous scholarship on media performance in relation to US foreign policy has proven in a variety of cases to serve as a useful analytical tool and predictive device. This article evaluates the extent that the propaganda model by Edward S. Herman and Noam Chomsky, as well as the indexing model by W. Lance Bennett, are instructive in the case of the news media performance of US which covered the uprising in Ecuador. 相似文献
19.
A growing body of research examines the formation of employer reputation. One potential driver is media coverage. Using content analysis data for media coverage and survey data, this study examines different dimensions of media coverage, namely, social and functional news and their impacts on employer reputation. Results show that in particular negative functional and social news affect employer reputation, although the impact of negative social news is more indirect and delayed. 相似文献