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麦克卢汉以"冷""热"来划分媒介的属性,实际上是对媒介从参与和互动角度作出的独特理解。媒介研究学者阿拉塔认为,"冷媒介"指具有高参与度和互动特征的媒介,在这个意义上,新媒介是最"冷"的"冷媒介"。文章以麦克卢汉理论为依据,分析新媒体的"冷媒介"性质,本质含义在于它的开放、自主和互动,其意义不仅在于开放网络人人参与的"集体智慧"知识生产方式,它的互动模式还表明了它的创新潜能。 相似文献
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都市报越来越"热" 麦克卢汉根据媒介提供的信息的清晰度及与此成反比的受众在接受信息过程中的参与度,把媒介分为"热媒介"和"冷媒介". 相似文献
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麦克卢汉用“清晰度”和“参与度”来界定“冷热媒介”,这种说法经常被错误地纳入一种信息论式的解读,即认为“清晰度”是媒介传递信息量的多少,而“参与度”只是思维和想象的参与。事实上,“冷热媒介”试图借助切身的类比,理解媒介对人的身体感官如何施加作用,“清晰度”指感官的作用强度,而“参与度”包含身体的参与。“热媒介”对感官的延伸是单一的、高强度的、线性的、分裂的,这种作用最终促进了生活中的专门化和分割性。 相似文献
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12345市长热线作为一种政治传播媒介,深度嵌入我国科层政治体系,随着信息技术的发展,实践中开始从单一的电话媒介向全媒体民生服务新平台转变。研究基于政治过程视角,从纵向政府间的互动以及政民互动两个维度,深入分析了12345市长热线的兴起与媒介性质演化的动力机制,及其对城市基层治理政民沟通体系的再造与回应性政府形象的塑造。研究发现,针对新时代基层治理惰性,市级政府以12345市长热线媒介为平台,通过再造行政流程、吸纳群众参与行政考核民主化、倒逼“法治剩余”事务的制度化回应三大机制,重塑了城市基层治理的动力与责任体系,提高了政府的回应性。然而,12345热线平台塑造的回应性政府形象,在实践中却面临“回应性悖论”,基层治理需要在监督基层治理惰性与过滤无理诉求之间探寻治理均衡点。 相似文献
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从媒介使用到媒介参与:中国公众媒介素养的基本现状 总被引：20，自引：0，他引：20
本研究聚焦媒介素养的两个维度——媒介信息处理能力和媒介参与意向,探讨个体政治认知、人际讨论模式、媒介使用、媒介评价和媒介参与功效意识对它们的影响。在对四城市2409名市民随机面访调查的基础上,研究发现:公民的政治与公共事务兴趣和开放型的人际讨论模式对媒介素养的两个维度均有显著的正面影响,网络新闻和海外媒介的使用对媒介信息处理能力有重要贡献,媒介评价和媒介参与功效意识正向影响公众的媒介参与意向,而更高的媒介信息处理能力也预示着更高的媒介参与意向。 相似文献
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马歇尔·麦克卢汉是传播学媒介环境学派的代表人之一,"冷媒介""热媒介"是他的理论体系中一个重要观点,也是争议性最大的观点。马歇尔·麦克卢汉是传播学媒介环境学派的代表人之一,他提出了许多极具盛名又颇有争议的观点。"冷媒介""热媒介"是他的理论体系中一个很重要的观点,也是争议性最大的一个观点。本文试图全面、多层次、从整体上阐释这一理论,并运用这一理论分析新媒介对社会的影响。一、"冷媒介""热媒介"划分的三个要素麦克卢汉在论述他的观点时喜欢运 相似文献
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本研究通过对大学生样本的随机抽样调查,并进行探索性因子分析,验证性因子分析对传播素质概念的假设模型进行验证。得到一个对数据拟合较好的模型：传播素质包括人际沟通能力和媒介传播能力两个维度．人际沟通能力维度包括“尊重”、“双向沟通”、“言语表达”、“同理心”、“沟通风格”、“非言语表达”和“亲和力”七个因子。媒介传播能力维度包括“媒介接近”和“媒介内容制作”两个因子。 相似文献
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麦克卢汉认为电视媒介是一种清晰度很低、使人深度介入的冷媒介。麦克卢汉的冷热媒介说一经提出就引起学术界的激烈争论。直到今天有关冷热媒介的争论和质疑似乎还是没有结束。麦克卢汉认为热媒介就是传递的信息明确清晰，接受者无须动员更多的感官和思维活动就能理解，需要受众参与其中的程度低的媒介，如广播、电影等。冷媒介是指提供给受众的讯息模糊、不充分， 相似文献
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Lindita Camaj 《广播与电子媒介杂志》2013,57(4):634-654
This study expands the consequences of agenda-setting theory beyond political attitudes, arguing its significance as a mediator between media use and political participation. The results suggest that citizens learn from the media about the efficacy and integrity of political institutions, and their performance on key issues. Consequently, the information acquired through news media becomes an important factor for trust formation and participation in different forms of political actions, which are not limited to electoral activities. The implications of these results for democracy building are discussed. 相似文献
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《Government Information Quarterly》2018,35(4):669-674
Growing adoption of the right to information in Africa should, in theory, improve access to government data, reduce corruption and expand the frontiers of democracy. Yet studies demonstrate that the right to information has contributed little if not nothing to improve the fledgling democracy in Africa. This paper investigates whether the implementation of the Right To Information law in Africa is a paradox? The paper contends that that corruption, human rights abuses, restrictive media, absence of media pluralism, denial of access to information, lack of transparency and accountability continue to undermine the very ideals of Right To Information Law. To resolve this paradox, the paper argues that the passage of the right to information is just one of the democratic tests to a country and will require far more than a passage to ensure its success. It argues that making information available will not prevent corruption if the conditions for publicity and accountability are weak. The paper contends that the RTI is dependent on a number of factors which may take long period to have an impact. Political leadership, civil society involvement and a balancing act that would address both access to government records and the protection of individual privacy are possibly the cure to this growing paradox. 相似文献
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Robert Marinov 《The Communication Review》2020,23(1):1-28
ABSTRACTAcademic interest in what has been termed “infotainment” has grown considerably since the term was coined in the 1980s. Today, the burgeoning field of infotainment research has become an important interdisciplinary field of study producing numerous political, cultural, and social insights. Nevertheless, infotainment remains highly contested, multifaceted, and incoherent, both as a term and a field of study. Preliminary attempts have been made to give greater conceptual clarity and standardization to the term, although their success has been limited, leaving difficulties in analyzing and comparing findings in a unified manner. In this review essay I outline the findings from a comprehensive literature review by delineating three mains trajectories of infotainment research: (1) research on soft news programming; (2) research on traditional news media; and (3) research on media systems and global infotainment. To conclude, I offer three suggestions for future infotainment research, arguing that scholars should attempt to achieve standardization and conceptual clarity within, rather than across research trajectories, that political theory should be more explicitly incorporated into the literature for the purposes of standardizing methods and clarifying normative debates, and that research should also focus on the synergies between contemporary trends in political campaign/communications strategies and trends in infotainment. 相似文献
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《Communication monographs》2012,79(2):205-231
Scholars emphasize the importance of rich communication media for the development of Teleworkers' organizational identification, but tests of these relationships have produced inconsistent results. The connectivity paradox helps explain these findings. The paradox suggests that Teleworkers' connectivity to others through communication media facilitates remote work by affording greater social presence, while also negating the benefits of telework by enabling stressful interruptions. These outcomes of connectivity may benefit and detract from identification. We propose a model linking the core features of the connectivity paradox to organizational identification. Teleworkers and office workers were surveyed, and a multigroup path analysis was utilized. Results indicate that connectivity increases stress from interruptions and indirectly diminishes Teleworkers' identification. 相似文献
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Katie Day Good 《传播与批判/文化研究》2016,13(1):75-92
In the last century, teachers have come under pressure to incorporate new media technologies into their lessons. Comparing educational research, press coverage, and teachers' firsthand accounts of mediated instruction between 1919 and 1946, this article highlights a historic discrepancy between anticipated and actual uses of media in classrooms. Drawing on de Certeau's theory of “making do,” the author argues that teachers' efforts to balance high technologies with simpler, more do-it-yourself varieties of media in their lessons constituted critical forms of participation in educational media culture and small acts of resistance against industrial, top-down efforts to streamline, modernize, and technologize their work. 相似文献
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Sabina Lissitsa 《亚洲交流杂志》2017,27(1):18-32
In light of the growing role of social media in conflict management, the current study analyzes the interrelationship of online political participation of Israeli Jews, the frequency of their online contacts with Arabs, and Jews’ perceived social distances from Arabs. The research was conducted through an online survey of a representative sample of 458 Israeli Jews who use the social media at least 3 times a week. Overall, although causation cannot be inferred because of the correlational design of our study, results suggest that frequency of online contacts may positively affect closeness to Arabs in line with contact theory. In keeping with the socialization perspective of political engagement, the findings indicate that the impact of online political participation on social distances from Arabs was mediated by interactions between Jews and Arabs in the social media. 相似文献
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Thomas B. Ksiazek Ph.D. Edward C. Malthouse Ph.D. James G. Webster Ph.D. 《广播与电子媒介杂志》2013,57(4):551-568
This study examines patterns of news consumption across multiple media platforms and relates them to civic participation. Analyzing a national sample of close to 25,000 respondents, nearly half the adult population in America is classified as news “Avoiders,” and the other half as “News-seekers.” Testing the relationship between civic participation and news consumption for each of 6 media platforms individually, and to an overall index combining those sources into 1 measure, the results show a positive relationship with civic participation, but the influence of Total News Consumption on civic participation is greater for Avoiders than for News-seekers. 相似文献
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Kelly Quinn 《广播与电子媒介杂志》2016,60(1):61-86
The contradiction between the stated preferences of social media users toward privacy and actual privacy behaviors has suggested a willingness to trade privacy regulation for social goals. This study employs data from a survey of 361 social media users, which collected data on privacy attitudes, online privacy strategies and behaviors, and the uses and gratifications that social media experiences bring. Using canonical correlation, it examines in detail how underlying dimensions of privacy concern relate to specific contexts of social media use, and how these contexts relate to various domains of privacy-protecting behaviors. In addition, this research identifies how specific areas of privacy concern relate to levels of privacy regulation, offering new insight into the privacy paradox. In doing so, this study lends greater nuance to how the dynamic of privacy and sociality is understood and enacted by users, and how privacy management and the motivations underlying media use intersect. 相似文献
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本文分两部分。第一部分在《维系民主?》一书的理论平台上对媒体与民主这对孪生的话题进行了探讨。第二部分阐释了中国语境中的“媒介身份悖论,”并就传播研究的方法论引入了一个“面向实践”的思考方向。 相似文献
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Tamara Witschge 《Journalism Practice》2014,8(3):342-356
Mediatization of politics in the institutional perspective is commonly taken to refer to the interactions between political actors and media actors, where the first become increasingly governed by media logic and the latter become increasingly independent from other institutions. Even though we could picture the relations between the different constituents as a triangle with audience, media and political actors as equally important corners, the institutionalist perspective does not give equal attention to the audience as actor in the process. In this article, I ask to what extent audience participation in news production affects our understanding of the process of mediatization of politics. I discuss both how audience participation can be seen as a challenge to media's role in politics (challenging the current conceptualization of mediatization of politics) as well as how the theory of mediatization can be seen to be confirmed by currently dominant audience participation practices. In the first understanding, we can argue that audience participation challenges independence of institutional media actors (to give more power to both audiences and politicians). In the latter understanding, audience participation can be seen to be governed by the same commercial interests as other media production and in addition that both mainstream and alternative media are subject to search engine logic. This article then calls for a critical examination of our understanding of mediatization of politics to do justice to the multiplicity of logics informing media practices, the multiplicity of actors producing news and, crucially, the interaction between those logics and actors. 相似文献