共查询到20条相似文献，搜索用时 281 毫秒
1.
近年来,板球运动在中国作为新兴体育项目已得到一定地普及与推广,但无论从参与人数还是竞技水平上都还远远落后于板球发达圆家。而高校是板球运动普及与推广的重要阵地,对这嘎运动持续,健康、有序地发展有着积极意义。因此,通过研究上海市高校板球运动发展的因素,不仅可以从中发现高校板球运动发展中的制约因素,还能为其今后的发展提供有益的建议与帮助。 相似文献
2.
英国是现代板球运动的发祥地。在英帝国扩张进程中,板球运动传播到南亚、中南美洲、澳洲、北美和南非等殖民地,于19世纪形成全球板球交往圈。通过体育全球史的视角,以板球运动在印度等英殖民地的传播为典型个案,实证再现板球"全球之旅"的多重景观。结果表明,板球的传播并非由英国人单向掌控,殖民地的板球受众也以调试、利用、改造等"再发明"手段,尝试了外来体育的在地化,通过与英国体育传统的互动,构建起交错杂糅的全球板球运动格局。体育全球史的释义旨在超越"西方中心论"的桎梏,启发当下尊重人类体育的多元传统,推动体育的跨文化互鉴与平等交往,在人类共同命运的视域高点上审视全球体育的未来。 相似文献
3.
当板球运动得益于20／20赛制（较为简短的赛制）而兴旺时,当7人制橄榄球（比传统的15人制橄榄球比赛节奏更快）期待在奥运会上的首演时,应该提到网球运动也有另一种形态——节奏更快、更激动人心的一种赛制,而这并不是什么新鲜事物。 相似文献
4.
5.
多年以来,运动史学家都在争论,何以棒球能在曾为大英帝国殖民属地的美国取得凌驾于板球的发展。板球在美国的迅速式微,无论对于棒球或板球研究来说,都堪称最令人困惑的问题之一。及至今日,棒球与板球关系背后仍然存在许多难解的问题。既有文献指出,板球在美国的发展不仅可以上溯至17世纪,直到1860年代,板球也仍为美国非常普及的运动;但吊诡的是,就在内战之后,当美国社会进入"镀金时代"之后,板球却逐渐式微,甚至沦为美国边缘运动。透过检视美国棒球与板球发展的历史,本文企图指出主流理论的问题,尝试针对美国棒球与板球发展消长的关系提供不同的解释。 相似文献
6.
印度板球本土化背景解读 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
维多利亚时代板球在印度的传播披上了道德外衣,有它附带的政治目的。但伴随着大英帝国地位的失去,印度板球本土化过程和印度民族主义政治运动联系的也就更为紧密。今天印度板球运动的开展不仅脱去了道德外衣,还成为了印度民族精神、国家精神的一个重要象征。应该说,媒体、电视、书刊对球赛的方言转播;商业广告对球队、明星的赞助及煽动;政府在板球本土化过程中的推波助澜是推动印度板球本土化的主要途径。 相似文献
7.
综述近30年来国内、外学者对板球投手运动员的运动生物力学研究成果。研究认为,目前,国外对板球投手运动员的生物力学研究主要运用高速摄像、等速肌力测试、表面肌电图、三维测力台等科研手段,将运动生物力学原理融入到板球运动实践中,试图通过对板球投球动作的运动生物力学与人体测量学研究,建立身体运动、投球速度和运动损伤三者之间的关系模型,为降低运动损伤风险提供参考,但对如何改善投球技术,提高运动成绩研究较少。 相似文献
8.
9.
2008年北京奥运会在为我国的体育事业的发展提供了一个难得的发展机遇的同时,也为体育工作者对北京奥运后我国体育发展的趋势进行讨论提供了平台。"全球化"为我国体育事业的快速发展提供了契机,但也不可避免地对我国体育体制改革造成影响。文章从管理学等视角对我国体育体制改革的全球化趋势及面临的挑战进行了探讨,并结合我国实际提出了具体建议,旨在为我国体育体制的改革提供参考。 相似文献
10.
在奥林匹克运动全球化、商业化、科学化以及政府干预强化的变革中,奥林匹克理想与现实之间产生了许多冲突.在奥林匹克寻求战略转型的21世纪,北京奥运会肩负着特殊使命,以和谐为核心的中国文化将从理论和实践层面对奥林匹克运动提供全方位的补充,为民族传统体育发展提供广阔的舞台,为竞争理念注入和谐元素,为科技奥运注入人文关怀,从而实现奥林匹克运动可持续发展. 相似文献
11.
奥运会为中国体育政策的发展留下了宝贵遗产，特别是北京冬奥会的申办和筹备不仅加快了大众参与冰雪运动的相关政策制定及议程落实，也进一步丰富了奥运遗产的积淀。我国体育政策正在构建“多元的”“现实主义的”奥运话语体系，相比北京夏奥会，冬奥会的政策遗产更清晰，也更具可持续性。采用内容分析法和扎根理论，选取与2008年北京夏奥会和2022年北京冬奥会相关的国家层面体育政策（2001—2021年）进行分析，阐述北京夏冬奥运会影响我国国家体育政策的演进历程及时代特征的逻辑关系。研究认为，以北京夏冬奥运会为导向的国家体育政策演进呈现出3个特色鲜明的时代特征：北京夏奥会促进体育功能价值逐渐扩大（2001—2008年）；北京夏奥会助力体育强国战略的开启（2009—2014年）；北京冬奥会推动体育在国家经济社会发展的多元价值升级（2015—2021年）。 相似文献
12.
把“竞技体育竞争力和本市运动员对国家贡献率”列入建设全球著名体育城市目标之中，这既对上海竞技体育发展提出了更高的要求，更是上海建设全球著名体育城市的一种探索。即将到来的2024年巴黎奥运会和2025年第十五届全运会，是对上海基本建成全球著名体育城市的一次检验。通过对“全球著名体育城市”相关评价体系的目标溯源，以及上海竞技体育在奥运会和全运会的成绩分析，探索上海竞技体育在现代化城市中发展的难点，并基于著名体育城市、上海城市特色文化及上海创新发展观念等视角，思考上海竞技体育的未来发展。 相似文献
13.
北京奥运会是一种历史记忆,还是一种具有永恒现代性指意的仪式,其呈现出来的宏大的叙事性压倒了中国人对奥运会赛事内涵的记忆,从而形成了中国历史进程的文化纪念碑。北京奥运会是中国的国家秩序变更后催生出来的仪式化产物,它还是一种对中国固有仪式的升华形态。中国体育代表团在2008年的北京奥运会中取得了51枚金牌是由于举国体制的制度支撑,北京奥运会就此得以升华为一种中国内产式国家仪式。奥运会还是一种身体展示度极强的仪式活动,具有很强的表演性,北京奥运会也成为中国人寻找与西方社会和解的突围点。北京奥运会缔造出来的强大的超仪式的视听镜像提升了中国人的民族自信力,在更高的意义上重塑了国民形象。 相似文献
14.
The various ‘global events’ China has hosted in recent years, most notably the Beijing Olympics, have sparked debate on the country's projection of soft power and invited easy conclusions that China's global public diplomacy has successfully seduced the world via its rich traditional culture and astounding modernisation. A comparison with the London Olympic Games, however, would suggest otherwise. Not only do the two Games differ in relation to the cultural ingredients combined to create overarching themes, they also reveal divergent public diplomacy strategies pursued by the host countries and cities. China's well-orchestrated and nearly infallible debut reveals its adherence to a top-down centre-driven approach that seeks to project the values and messages desirable to the governing authorities. The British approach, in contrast, transcends the elitist tendency by involving a wider set of actors within and without the government for clauses that extend past elites' interests. As a result, although London's Games were less ‘speculator’ than those in Beijing in presentation, the former's public diplomacy legacy may prove more lasting and likely to gain the admiration of the rest of the world. 相似文献
15.
目的：探析短道速滑个人项目两届冬奥会及冬奥会与世锦赛体力分配策略规律差异。方法：收集整理索契、平昌冬奥会，以及2014—2017年世锦赛短道速滑个人项目相关数据，分析单圈用时、肯德尔相关系数。结果：（1）冬奥会各单项单圈用时不同程度地少于世锦赛，平昌不同程度地少于索契；（2）除2016世锦赛500 m，其他赛事均全程具有显著相关（P＜0.05）；（3）除索契冬奥会女子1 000 m，其他赛事均较早出现显著相关（P＜0.05），平昌冬奥会男子与女子均在第7、8圈为高相关（r≥0.70）；（4）平昌冬奥会1 500 m男子第12、13圈，女子第13圈为高相关（r≥0.70），两者均从第9圈开始出现显著相关（P＜0.05）。结论：500 m出发位置尤为重要，高速滑行中稳固站位能力需求突出，冬奥会中对全程维持速度能力的要求逐步提高；冬奥会1 000 m与1 500 m比赛争夺有利位置战术的实施位置较以往更为靠后。 相似文献
16.
运用文献资料法、逻辑分析法等,梳理了法国巴黎百年奥运会的创意历史,分析了2024年巴黎奥运会“破墙”办赛的举措,认为：打破奥运会“观赛场地”之墙,开幕式推动城市再生;打破奥运会“超额开支”之墙,多项措施降低举办成本;打破奥运会“碳排放”壁垒,增强奥林匹克对可持续发展目标的推动;打破奥运会“传统竞技”之墙,更新运动项目促进奥运会年轻化。基于此,探讨了2024年巴黎奥运会所面临的风险挑战,提出2024年巴黎奥运会“破墙”办赛的启示：奥运会融入历史文化,推动城市再生;奥运会遵循环境保护准则,推动可持续化发展;增设新潮运动项目,推动奥运会年轻化发展;利用奥运会,增加对特殊群体的关注。 相似文献
17.
Udo Merkel 《国际体育史杂志》2013,30(15):1810-1822
The Democratic People's Republic of Korea participated in the 2012 Summer Olympics in London with 51 athletes. They won a total of six medals and finished 20th in the overall medal table. However, most observers of the London 2012 Olympics will not remember North Korea's athletic successes but the flag blunder that kicked the Games off with a diplomatic row. On the first day, the South Korean flag was accidentally displayed next to the faces of the North Korean women's football team on the stadium's huge screen. Although there have been several flag controversies and blunders in the context of the Olympic Games, this incident must be considered as one of the most embarrassing and high-profile as, technically, North and South Korea are still at war having signed only an armistice at the end of the Korean War in 1953. This paper deals with three interrelated issues: first, it outlines the development of inter-Korean political and sporting relations since the 2008 Beijing Olympics before, second, it focuses on the political significance of the 2012 London Games. Third, it summarises key themes and ideological messages emerging from a qualitative analysis of the state-controlled North Korean media coverage of the 2012 Olympics. The Korean Central News Agency appears to pursue a dual strategy: it aims to increase the popularity of outstanding North Korean athletes and create home-grown stars, and also attempts to encourage an alternative discourse about the country abroad. All these issues need to be analysed in wider context of significant political changes in both Koreas, particularly in the North, where Kim Jong-un, who came to power in December 2011, has started to carve out a distinct identity and forge his own leadership style. 相似文献
18.
奥运后中华民俗体育发展之文化审视 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
在体育“全球化”背景下，现代奥林匹克竞技运动已成为当今世界体育文化的主体，文章就2008奥运后的中华民俗体育发展问题从文化视角进行了探索性研究。研究表明：“平民体育”的民俗体育观念深入民心，现代体育管理理念加强民俗体育组织管理，文化传播语境转型促进民俗体育文化交流是2008年北京奥运会给民俗体育发展带来的契机。当代社会中民俗体育的主要功能是休闲和娱乐，具有广泛参与性的文化形式，朝着商业化的方向发展是民俗体育发展的未来趋势。 相似文献
19.
Andrea L. Stanton 《国际体育史杂志》2014,31(3):290-305
Since its independence in 1946, Syria has fielded a team for every summer Olympic competition except 1956, yet has won only three Olympic medals. In contrast with its smaller, higher-powered neighbour Lebanon, its participation at the Olympics has been consistent but limited, with the country making little impact internationally. Yet the history of Syria's involvement with the Olympics reflects key elements of its political and social history: its ambitious but short-lived partnership with Egypt, the Baathist-supported promotion of women as athletes and head of the National Olympic Committee and its commitment to participation in the vexed but ideologically important Pan-Arab Games. This article uses official International Olympic Committee publications and related press coverage to examine the history of Syria's involvement with the Olympic Games, the Mediterranean Games and the Pan-Arab Games. It argues that Syria's participation was initially important not for its medal count but for the ‘sign of statehood' that membership in the Olympic community conferred, and that its participation in regional games supported Syria's political positions as a Baathist, Arab republic. It concludes by contending that these political commitments have renewed salience as the conflict in Syria that began in March 2011 continues, and the country's participation in Olympic and regional games becomes increasingly politicised. 相似文献
20.
Victor D. Cha 《国际体育史杂志》2013,30(11):1581-1610
The study of international relations purports to explain how nation-states and individuals interact around the globe. Yet one major area of such interaction – international sport – remains exceedingly understudied. This in spite of the fact that countries have gone to war over sport, fought for sovereign recognition through sport, and that citizens around the world have it as a daily part of their lives. Indeed it is astounding that a phenomenon that matters so much has been so little studied by a field that purports to explain relations between states and humans around the world. These deficiencies became more apparent in 2008 when we witnessed the world's biggest country hosting the world's biggest sporting event. The Beijing Olympics, though entertaining and exciting, showed how little we have thought about the link between sport and international politics. This article introduces a framework for understanding the link between sport and politics. Its point of entry is to argue that many of the questions about how China portrayed itself during the Olympics and whether the Games marked China's rise as a responsible power cannot be answered without first understanding how sport in general is related to a country's political development, and its sense of nationhood. My arguments do not represent new breakthroughs in political science, rather I attempt merely to offer a systematic way of thinking about how sports and the Olympics matter in world politics through three inter-related causal pathways relating to a country's sense of self, its diplomacy, and its capacity for change. 相似文献