共查询到20条相似文献，搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
Francis L. F. Lee 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(2):132-151
Opinion polling has become a common feature in news and public discourse in Hong Kong. This study examines how local newspapers cover popularity polls about the government and its leaders. It is hypothesized that newspapers adhering to different journalistic paradigms would cover such popularity polls differently in terms of the inclusion of methodological information, use of news sources, emphasis on negative versus positive results, treatment of polls conducted by different entities, and use of visual means of representations. A content analysis was conducted on four newspapers which represent the professionalism, populism, and propaganda paradigms, respectively. The results show that there are both similarities and differences in the poll coverage of the newspapers, with the differences mostly corresponding to the differences in journalistic paradigms. The results also point to a number of phenomena about news media in Hong Kong and poll reporting in general. 相似文献
2.
Jennifer Hoewe 《Communication Research Reports》2016,33(3):247-252
This study examined political journalists’ definitions of public opinion and how these definitions influence the structure of political news stories. After considering prior conceptualizations of public opinion, a scale of two distinct definitions of public opinion was created, consisting of the optimist’s and the pessimist’s definitions. Using a survey of political journalists in the United States, these public opinion definitions were significant predictors of the use of particular sources in political news stories. Importantly, the two definitions had opposite influences on the use of opinion polls, shedding light on the discrepancy in use and perception of poll results in political news. 相似文献
3.
Since their beginnings pre-election polls have been under attackfrom politicians and journalists. One of the most fundamentalcriticisms of polls is that they can influence the outcome ofelections. This article investigates news media reporting ofpoll results and comments on public opinion research beforeFederal elections in Germany. It presents empirical findingsfor the quantity as well as the formal and substantial qualityof this press coverage. The database is a content analysis of443 pre-election poll articles published in Germany's leadingdailies Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (FAZ), Frankfurter Rundschau(FR), Süddeutsche Zeitung (SZ), and Die Welt (Welt) between1980 and 1994. The quantity of news media reporting of publicopinion polls has improved over the years. Now, poll storiesare a standard feature of German newspapers. The frequency ofreports depends on the conditions of each election—e.g.on the expected closeness of the election outcome. The formalquality could be better—that is the conformity to AAPORstandards. Horse-race journalism isn't found as often as inthe USA. Journalists often use poll results to predict an electionoutcome. Moreover, the analysis revealed an ambivalent relationshipbetween liberal journalists and polls, while the reporting ofconservative journalists is more in favor of opinion research. 相似文献
4.
Mediated public diplomacy scholarship investigates the manner in which governments attempt to shape the framing of its leaders, people, and foreign policy in other nations’ media outlets. A growing body of literature identifies agenda-building efforts by these governments who often use state-sponsored media platforms to promote some issues and attributes as more salient than others. The current study provides a unique examination of China's use of its Xinhua News Agency as an information subsidy for US news outlets. Study results point to a limited transfer of issue salience between the Chinese news agency and the US news outlets. Non-significant findings were identified regarding attribute agenda building. The results of the study identify a significant intermedia agenda-setting effect between the US news outlets, with The New York Times serving as a conduit between Chinese and US news agendas. Results are discussed in the context of global political public relations and mediated public diplomacy scholarship. 相似文献
5.
This research characterizes American media coverage of China’s Confucius Institutes and their related activities in the United States since their emergence more than 12 years ago. Although there are now more than 100 Confucius Institutes and 300 associated classrooms in the country, to date there has been no systematic study of how these Chinese government-sponsored organizations are portrayed in the American press. This study presents a content analysis of 426 articles mentioning these efforts at the heart of China’s public diplomacy endeavors since 2003. Determining that fewer than half of the articles did more than mention these organizations, we dedicate particular attention to the 183 examples that do focus specifically on Confucius Institute and classroom activities across the country. While results point to some differences in tone, framing and sources across university, local, state, national and international news outlets, we find that the majority of coverage focuses uncritically on these Chinese institutions without providing broader context about China’s rationale for engaging in such activities. The implications for China’s public diplomacy efforts in the United States are considered. 相似文献
6.
《Journalism Practice》2013,7(4):438-453
International development agencies and charities often have a major focus on highlighting and attempting to alleviate health problems in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs). In these objectives, they rely strongly on news media reporting of these problems and their solutions. This paper examines the experiences of communication staff from eight large non-governmental organisations (NGOs) of trying to secure coverage of LMIC health stories in the Australian news media. It reports on how these NGOs perceive current Australian news coverage of LMIC health, how they negotiate its “media logic” and their attempts to work within and beyond it for better coverage of LMIC health news. Their impressions of LMIC health reporting are broadly consistent with existing literature on the coverage of humanitarian and foreign news. In endeavouring to maximise exposure for their work, the agencies also sought to benefit journalists and news outlets by providing content that matched with existing notions of mainstream news. However, these NGOs are also in the process of working out how to move beyond these outlets and create news content on their own terms. Possible new avenues for the creation of such content are explored. 相似文献
7.
论述日本内阁府长达60余年的科学民意调查及对我国的4点启示:①随着科学的发展,科学民意调查的必要性不断增强;②科学与社会的视角是了解真实科学民意的基本视角,而非固定模式、固定内容的调查设计,以日常生活为切入点的设问方式,有利于及时反映民意、挖掘真实民意;③公民科学兴趣度是科学民意的重要内容;④科学民意调查是科技政策出台、实施的重要情报依据。 相似文献
8.
Sports events such as the Olympics are ideal venues for a country to exercise public diplomacy and to promote a competitive identity. Along this line of theorizing, the present study examined how Britain planned and presented the opening ceremony of the London Olympics and how the media in Britain, the United States, and China portrayed the show, specifically focusing on the salience of media coverage, valence of particular attitudes expressed, and differences in themes coverage. A content analysis was conducted on 221 news stories sampled from major media outlets in these countries. Results showed only a few themes with unique Britishness were prominently and positively covered, whereas others without distinctive British characteristics were less mentioned. Implications for public diplomacy are discussed. 相似文献
9.
Research documents politicians’ use of religious rhetoric and its effects on the public, but little work has investigated the considerations influencing the decision to use religious rhetoric in the first place. We theorize that politicians’ use of religious rhetoric is determined by four considerations: the alignment between the speaker’s and audience’s religiosity, the acceptability of the speaker’s denomination to the audience, the speaker’s religious history, and the speaker’s party. Using the 2012 presidential election as a test case, we pair county-level religion data with a content analysis of 264 stump speeches to examine how the religious aspects of candidate rhetoric changed depending on the religious contours of a community. The evidence provides insight into how and why candidates “narrowcast” faith. 相似文献
10.
The disappearance of Malaysian Airline Flight MH370 attracted high media attention across countries. To explore how news media outlets influence each other in transnational settings, this study focuses on the coverage of MH370 by three major newspapers in the U.S., China, and Hong Kong, and examines the inter-media agenda-setting effect as an indicator of media’s mutual influence. A content analysis of 255 news articles revealed significant correlations among the issue agendas of the 3 newspapers, suggesting the existence of reciprocal, though asymmetrical, influence among the news media in the U.S., China, and Hong Kong. The findings also suggest that news media differ in power and that news media in high-power countries play a key role in shaping the global news agenda. 相似文献
11.
Hyunjung Kim 《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(3):303-324
This study explores how the perceived effect and bias of reported election poll results are associated with voters' attitudes toward restrictions on polling reports and their political participation intention through emotions. A telephone survey using a representative sample of South Korean voters (N = 597) was conducted prior to the 2012 South Korean presidential election. Results indicate that the third-person perception of reported election poll results was indirectly linked to support for restrictions on polling reports through anxiety. For supporters of Mr. Jae In Moon, the nominee of the liberal Democratic United Party, who was reported to be behind in the polls, the hostile media perception was indirectly associated with support for restrictions through anxiety and directly associated with political participation intention. Implications of the findings are discussed. 相似文献
12.
国际自媒体涉华舆情现状、传播特征及引导策略 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
本文选取了10种国际自媒体形式,通过内容分析的方法研究国际自媒体涉华舆情现状及传播特征。通过研究,本文发现:近年,中国重大事件频发引发国际自媒体关注;自媒体对中国报道框架与传统媒体相比并无明显变化,涉华经济、文化、科技往往给予正面反应,而涉华政治、环境以及民族、宗教问题多负面反应。国际自媒体涉华内容并非自创,而以转载西方国际主流媒体为主;英美发达国家基本垄断国际自媒体上涉华信息流;发达国家受众形塑自媒体涉华舆论;传统媒体从业人员成为自媒体时代的舆论领袖;在此基础之上,本文提出了针对国际自媒体涉华舆论引导的策略和建议。 相似文献
13.
This paper examines whether or not media coverage is biased by the political orientation of the journalists’ country, specifically illustrated by the 2011 bid for statehood by the Palestinian Authority in the United Nations. This bid represents a symbolic step toward international recognition of a Palestinian state, an important event in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. A quantitative analysis was conducted on 1577 news reports from American, European, and Middle Eastern outlets to determine the differences in media coverage of the Palestinian bid for statehood among the channels. The findings suggest that Israeli channels broadcasted a relatively low number of items in which the Palestinian declaration itself was the main theme. The BBC broadcasted a relatively high rate of such items, and offered balanced coverage of both Israeli and Palestinian positions, while coverage by American FOX News channel reflected a pro-Israel bias. The findings also suggest that media outlets may be biased toward specific leaders. This work builds on a growing body of research on media framing of political conflicts and the effect of the political context of a country on its media outlets’ coverage. 相似文献
14.
Jason Turcotte Klarize Medenilla Karen Villaseñor Saara Lampwalla 《Communication Research Reports》2017,34(3):191-200
As U.S. news outlets grapple with the challenges of delivering news in a digital era, journalists cover elections with tighter deadlines and fewer resources. Consequently, we are seeing an explosion in coverage of polls, which require little original reporting and attract readers through their “horse race” appeal. As the number of polls increases, news professionals are culling data from a wider spectrum of sources that vary in methodology and credibility. What remains unclear is how effective the news media are in providing polling context in their online coverage that is less limited by the space and time constraints of more traditional mediums. Utilizing the 2016 U.S. primaries, this exploratory study examines online news articles focused on polls to evaluate the quality of digital coverage across national news outlets.
Keywords: Campaigns and Elections; Content Analysis; Journalism; News Media; Political Communication 相似文献
15.
Boonlert Supadhiloke 《亚洲交流杂志》2015,25(2):135-161
In response to the widely publicized failure of most pollsters to predict the winner of the Bangkok governor election on 3 March 2013, this study examined the published results of opinion polls in the news media to see how they had affected the voter preference and what errors existed. The study analyzed a series of poll results by five major pollsters for the pre-election and exit polls during the governor election campaign from January to March 2013 and, then, compared them with the final results of governor election. The poll results lent partial support to the spiral of silence theory. Among all pollsters, only NIDA Poll projected the right prediction for Democrat candidate M. R. Sukhumbhand Paribatra as the winner. Its pre-election polls showed his final victory occurring in the last leg of the election campaign as a result of the late swing voters against the ruling Pheu Thai Party attaining monopoly on power. Suan Dusit and Abac Polls showed the existence of the bandwagon effect for Pheu Thai candidate Pol. Gen. Pongsapat Pongcharoen. Besides their polling effects, major factors accounting for errors included shy Democrat factor, late swing of voters, sampling error, and nonresponse bias. 相似文献
16.
Jörg Haßler 《Journalism Practice》2014,8(3):326-341
One aspect of the mediatization of politics is the idea that political actors adapt to the communication logic of news media to gain, for example, news media attention. Currently, this process may be influenced by the diffusion of the internet as a political communication channel, especially because online communication provides a new opportunity for political actors to communicate directly with citizens. Thus far, the adaptation to media logic by political parties has mainly been examined in the context of election campaigns. In order to transfer these findings to regular political communication, this study compares the use of media logic in the mass media and in direct political communication channels online and offline about the United Nations Climate Change Conferences 2011 and 2012. A quantitative content analysis of the conference protocols (input) and the presentation of the conference results in the seven most frequently used German offline news outlets (print and TV) and their online counterparts, as well as political offline and online communication channels like parliamentary speeches and websites of the six parties represented in the German parliament (output), was conducted. Results show that in the context of regular political communication, political actors seem to follow media logic to a lesser extent than in the context of election campaigns. Thus far, the influence of online communication on the mediatization of politics seems to be rather marginal. The causes and consequences of these findings are discussed. 相似文献
17.
Previous scholarship has argued that constructions of public opinion serve one of three dominant purposes: (1) to provide drama; (2) to promote particular strategic political interests; and (3) to symbolically legitimize the public's role in democracy. This paper analyzes media and legislator constructions of public opinion in the Clinton‐Lewinsky scandal. We assess the uses of public opinion and the purposes to which they were put, and particularly examine the use of different time frames in this discourse. Throughout the scandal, the public remained firmly ambivalent about President Clinton, with majorities supporting him remaining in office, even as they disapproved of his sexual relationship with Ms. Lewinsky. However, the media frequently emphasized the possibility that public might change, and this future orientation was joined to a strongly disapproving emphasis on public morality, rooted in a construction of past values. Later the media took present public opinion as a given, but political implications for the present and future framed the coverage. Once the scandal came to Congress, members of Congress usually recognized the public's support for President Clinton, but offered different interpretations of the roots of this support, its proper influence on Congress, and its future course. In assessing political consequences of their votes, legislators acted like investors involved in futures markets, and judged which opinions were likely to retain intensity in the coming months and years. Changing in a dynamic fashion in response to events, elites’ judgments, and polls, constructions of public opinion served multiple purposes, and were strongly tinged by assessments about the stability and basis of public opinion. The low use of present‐oriented time frames delegitimized citizen views. 相似文献
18.
Chang Won Jung 《The Communication Review》2019,22(2):139-161
This study examines how the issue of game regulation has been discussed and influenced public perception by exploring ideologically differing media outlets’ distinct uses of frames by analyzing news contents (N = 1,217) and public opinion survey of the national sample of Korean gamers (N = 1,362), who play games currently. The analyses include the influence of media on attitudes toward game regulation, perception of games, and frame adoption, based on the results of news content analysis. The study found that (a) mainstream media was ambivalent about game issues and tended to define gaming and gamers in sensationalistic ways; (b) while the dynamics of media effects on public attitudes toward game regulation are complex, exposure to game-related news content significantly impacted public attitudes; mass media that highlight the negative aspects of games have strong impacts on public perception toward games, which may ultimately affect attitudes toward game regulation. 相似文献
19.
Yue Tan 《传播与批判/文化研究》2020,17(3):322-338
ABSTRACT While media frames reflect the dominant discourse about an issue, frame analysis can elucidate how they affect public perception. 1 Employing content analysis of news coverage of adolescents’ use of social media in mainstream newspapers (n?=?323) from 2014 to 2017, supplemented with secondary data from two national surveys of adolescents, this study investigates how news media construct the reality of adolescents’ use of social media; how the constructed reality differs from the subjective reality reported by adolescents’ themselves; and how news media reflect the elite discourse in terms of adolescence’s nature, agency, and needs in the context of using social media. 相似文献
20.
Mingxiao Sui David Sobek Andrew Abad Lauren Goodman Paromita Saha 《Mass Communication and Society》2017,20(6):895-908
A slew of gruesome executions by terrorist groups in 2014–2015 renewed interest in the public relations strategies of terrorists. As a case in point, the Islamic State group’s escalating brutality reflects their efforts as a relatively nascent extremist group to ensure a high and sustained volume of media coverage, especially among Western outlets. But what characteristics of events actually prompt coverage from major U.S. news media? Using a rich data set of terrorist incidents and coverage from six major broadcast and cable U.S. networks, we model coverage of terrorist incidents as a function of event proximity from U.S. soil, target country affinity with the United States, number of total and U.S. casualties, and the characteristics of the terrorist group. Our findings largely corroborate expectations set forth by the literature on norms and routines of journalism and economics of news. When it comes to terrorism, coverage by U.S. major media outlets is largely dependent on proximity to and affinity with the United States, weapons of mass destruction, and the number of global and U.S. casualties. 相似文献