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1.
Abstract

This article will highlight the distinctive role of Cavell in renewing a dawn of American philosophy. Following Emerson’s remark, ‘the inmost in due time becomes the outmost’, Cavell develops his distinctive line of antifoundationalist thought. To show how unique and valuable Cavell’s endeavor to resuscitate Emerson’s and Thoreau’s voice in American philosophy is, this paper discusses the political implications of Cavell’s Emersonian moral perfectionism. This involves a reconsideration of what measures justice and what justifies happiness. While Cavell is sometimes said to be too personal and too subjective to be political, I shall argue that his Emersonian perfectionism, with its concomitant idea of the conversation of justice, is in fact thoroughly political and democratic. I shall illustrate this by examining his writing on a Hollywood film, Mr. Deeds Goes to Town (1936). The film shows vividly that happiness is a condition for achieving democracy from within. In conclusion, I shall propose that a readiness for the risk inherent in speech, rather than, say, acquiescing in received ideas or hiding behind the words of others, is at the heart of perfectionist education for globally minded citizens.  相似文献   

2.
After the Second World War, education in advanced capitalist societies has been perceived as the main ‘saviour’ of the meritocratic ideal. In this paper I will investigate some of the implications of the lasting emphasis that has been placed upon education in Britain, in the pursuit of a more just and equal society. Initially, I will present two main strands of thought vis‐à‐vis meritocracy. I will then show how these different approaches have shaped the pertinent debate. The main line of reasoning will be that the ‘meritocracy through education’ discourse can potentially conceal inequalities and injustices in contemporary market‐driven British society. This contention will be supported by evidence from social mobility research, which clearly indicates that the expansion of educational provision and the increase in educational qualifications of the past 60 years has done little to eliminate social class differences and associated privileges.  相似文献   

3.
ABSTRACT

Feminist theorists critiqued classical liberalism for the gender binaries embedded in social, political and economic theory and everyday social relations. Neoliberalism economises the social and political based on autonomous individualism, equating equity with choice, naturalising the market as the mechanism to allocate social goods and education while disregarding constraining discursive and material contexts. Neoliberalism also co-opts the feminist desire for agency through notions of choice. The paper tracks the historical conditions in Anglophile states that nurtured neoliberalism’s uptake with its focus on human capital theory, rethinking the dominant educational discourse of twenty-first-century skills using Yeatman’s democratic framing of social liberalism and Nussbaum’s capability approach. Feminists argue for a just and civil democratic society that dissolves binary thinking and focuses on relationality, rights and responsibility.  相似文献   

4.
This article is concerned with the politics of lifelong learning policy in post‐1997 Hong Kong (HK). The paper is in four parts. Continuing Education, recast as ‘lifelong learning’, is to be the cornerstone of the post‐Handover education reform agenda. The lineaments of a familiar discourse are evident in the Education Commission policy documents. However, to view recent HK education policy just in terms of an apparent convergence with global trends would be to neglect the ways in which the discourse of lifelong learning has been tactically deployed to serve local political agendas. In the second part of this paper, I outline what Scott has called HK’s ‘disarticulated’ political system following its retrocession to China and attempts by an executive‐led administration to demonstrate ‘performance legitimacy’—through major policy reforms—in the absence of (democratic) political legitimacy. Beijing’s designation of HK as a (depoliticized) ‘economic’ city within greater China must also be taken into account. It is against this political background that the strategic deployment of a ‘lifelong learning’ discourse needs to be seen. In the third section of this paper, I examine three recent policy episodes to illustrate how lifelong learning discourse has been adopted and has evolved to meet changing circumstances in HK. Finally, I look at the issue of public consultation. The politics of education policy in HK may be seen to mirror at a micro‐level, the current macro‐level contested interpretations of HK’s future polity.  相似文献   

5.
ABSTRACT

This article examines the participation of ‘third-sector’ organisations in public education in England. These organisations act as a cross-sectoral policy network made up of new kinds of policy experts: mediators and brokers with entrepreneurial careers in ideas. They have sought to make education reform thinkable, intelligible and practicable in terms of a computational discourse consisting of code, networks, interactivity and feedback, and related ideas of decentralisation, open methods and personalisation. What characterises this style of thinking is an ‘anti-political’ preoccupation with computer-coded systems and the idea of networks as a model for new political and educational forms.  相似文献   

6.
In recent years, Cambodia has transitioned from a communist state to a liberal democracy following market economic practices. Transition in the political economy has, in turn, influenced education and, more specifically, moral education. In this article, I define moral education more broadly than many, as additionally dedicated to the preparation of students ideologically for participation in, or opposition to, political and economic movements at the world level. During successive communist regimes (Democratic Kampuchea, 1975–1979, and the People's Republic of Kampuchea, 1979–1989), Cambodian governments used education to prepare ‘new’ men and women capable of participation in, or withdrawal from, the international socialist revolution. Beyond advancing ways of thinking and acting appropriate in contemporary Cambodian society, moral education in the State of Cambodia (1989–1993) and the Kingdom of Cambodia (1993–present) is preparing students for participation in the world to which democratization and liberalization have led.  相似文献   

7.
In 1999, the Italian Arte Povera artist Michelangelo Pistoletto and other artists laid the foundations of The University of Ideas (UNIDEE), an exceptional international artist‐in‐residence programme with a strong ideological foundation. As a sociologist of culture I had the opportunity to do research in the huge organization for a month by doing participant observation, in‐depth interviews and discourse analysis. In this article the educational programme of UNIDEE is interpreted in sociological terms. First of all it will be contextualized in the artistic work of Michelangelo Pistoletto through his concept of the mirror and his a‐modern idea of ‘The Minus Artist’. In the second part Pistoletto's artistic, political and economic movement Cittadellarte, in which UNIDEE is based, will be described. Finally UNIDEE will be analysed as a model for art education on the border of modernity attempting to redefine the position of art and of the artist in a globalizing world.  相似文献   

8.
Akito Okada 《Compare》1999,29(2):171-189
This paper aims to throw light on the evolution and historical transformation of the concept of equality of opportunity as applied to educational policies in Japan from the end of World War II to the present day. It analyses the Central Council for Education's (CCE) reform proposals in the 1990s, and places them in the context of developing the concept of equality of educational opportunity in the years since 1945, when the post‐war education system was established in Japan. More specifically it addresses the following questions: What kinds of equality of educational opportunity have the central administrative bodies (Monbusho or the CCE), the political parties and teachers aimed to achieve since the war? How have they applied equality of opportunity to educational policies? What kinds of criteria are used by them to measure equality of educational opportunity? To do so, it looks in detail at the main agenda in relation to the issue of equal opportunity in the reports by the CCE on both the state of education in the 1990s, and its transformation during the five decades since the war. To trace the historical transformation of the concept of equality of educational opportunity, this article selects two major explanatory models—egalitarianism and meritocracy. Although there is widespread agreement that equality of opportunity is a requirement of a just society in Japan, there is also widespread disagreement about just what this requirement amounts to and how it is to be balanced against other requirements such as ‘meritocracy’.  相似文献   

9.
In this paper, I explore the ancient Greek concept of paideia to contribute to an ongoing revitalisation of educational theory that positions freedom as central to the educational process. I also analyse the current crisis in public life in Europe as a consequence of neglect or inability to incorporate educational theory in the formation of school systems embracing democratic ways of life. I mainly explore the concept of teaching as a radical idea of allowing anyone be the bearer of culture and society and not just an exclusive group of people. I identify three types of abstractions distancing current orders of democracy from concerning the entire population. I also offer an educational strategy to break with these abstractions to be able to take on ‘a divine life’ in the present.  相似文献   

10.
In times of global influence, compulsory education in the Nordic countries has promoted democracy as choice since the 1990s, as enhancing an individual good. Supporting education for democracy is a matter that concerns the world and society on the topic of ‘what shall he do? Shall he act for this or that end?’. This indicates that democratic education is not only a matter of individual good, but a public, regarding who I want to be, how I would like to respond towards both the world and society. As for public good, who I want to be involves having the freedom to act in the world that lies between us. The article explores Nordic tradition of people’s high school, which is known to enhance the enlightenment of the people and to support democracy as a public good. Focus group interviews with folk high school students in Norway were carried out. To theoretically interpret the findings, theories on freedom and action were used. Arendt’s theories contribute to the results by offering ways to theoretically comprehend students’ experiences of being seen and heard during their school years. The study asks to what extent, if any, people’s high schools in Norway contribute to and/or challenge education and democracy in today’s society.  相似文献   

11.
Editorial     
This paper explores the issue of democracy and the role of the democratic classroom in the development of society in general, and the way in which educators understand and deal with diversity in particular. The first part of the paper explores different meanings of democracy and how they can be manifested in the classroom. We argue that the idea of a ‘democratic classroom’ is far too broad a category; democracy is defined in action and can have realist or pragmatic characteristics, elitist or pluralist roots. The realist form of social education was championed by political scientist Charles Merriam, while a social educative process more dependent on pragmatic problem solving was pursued by educational philosopher John Dewey and those who followed in his theoretical wake. The history of democracy in the United States, and the battles of how to import different meanings of democracy into the classroom over the course of the 20th century is explored, suggesting that the educational establishment has a tendency to adopt more realist/elitist forms of civic education. We present five ‘democratic’ classrooms with different characteristics to illustrate the different characteristics social education can exhibit. In the second part of the paper we discuss the relationship between different types of democratic classrooms and issues of race/ethnicity/culture.  相似文献   

12.
Abstract

In 2014, Thomas Piketty’s Capital in the Twenty-first Century rocked the economic and political world, with its argument that inequality is destined to increase; in the field of education, however, this book has been almost entirely ignored. I argue that Piketty’s treatise is relevant to educational theories for three reasons: his rejection of meritocracy contributes to theories of social mobility; his critique of human capital theory provides fodder for debates about educational purpose; and his interdisciplinary analysis supports the political economy tradition in education. However, I also argue that it is necessary to move beyond the economic determinism in Piketty’s arguments, to explore the transformative potential of education as a consciousness-raising process, the agency of communities, the production process, and alternative solutions to inequality. I argue that education scholars should use the renewed interest in inequality generated by Piketty’s book to shift the dominant discourses about education, schools, and social justice.  相似文献   

13.
教育应当回归生活世界,这是当前我国教育理论界颇具魅力和影响力的话语。在这种话语的背后,其实最为根本的隐喻了人们看待教育世界的思维视角转换,即由以往工具化教育的本质主义思维定式转向了生活教育哲学的生成性思维方式,并由此对教育提出了整体性、体验性、民主性、开放性的基本诉求。  相似文献   

14.
Our age is characterized by diverse political emotions, sometimes overt and sometimes hidden. They involve such diverse aspects of human life as religious and ethnic tensions, homelessness and immigrancy, and divisions of identity. Anxieties of inclusion can be felt by those seeking to enter a society, by those inside concerned, say, about immigration, and by those inside but at the margins and perhaps resistant to the pressures of normalisation. As prominent traits of contemporary societies, such anxieties do not necessarily manifest or express themselves straightforwardly: they are suppressed or covered over or simply left unvoiced. The political questions that are raised are inseparable from existential and psychological ones. Faced with the ‘quiet desperation’ of the mass of people, and with the need for the acknowledgement of such negative emotions as fear, doubt and anger, our political life calls for the cultivation of a new political sensibility. In response to this task, this paper will explore new ways of cultivating political emotions and political citizens—in such a manner as to question the idea of inclusion. Both those who include and those who would be included must learn from and be affected by what is strange and unknown. To take up this educational task, this paper will introduce Stanley Cavell's idea of philosophy as translation. In its endeavour to re‐place philosophy, this provides a lens through which to re‐think political education. Political education then becomes, as I shall try to show, a kind of linguistic education for human transformation.  相似文献   

15.
The ‘liberal utopia’ presented by Richard Rorty in Contingency, Irony, and Solidarity is a unique attempt to address the ancient problem of the relationship between individual and society or, in Rorty's terms, that between the private and the public. This article examines Rorty's influential conception of education and asks: can his book be regarded as utopian? Is it possible to establish an education for democracy on his ‘postmodern’ premises? I conclude that Rorty's attempt to separate private from public and to promote a fusion between irony and solidarity is tantamount to founding human existence on an aestheticising orientation. This entangles Rorty in self-contradiction and raises educational and political problems which remain unresolved.  相似文献   

16.
As the realities of austerity agendas exert pressure on adult education around the globe, this paper attempts to map the developing, albeit small, field of anti-austerity adult education in Canada. In doing so, I attempt to trace the connections between anti-austerity education and existing fields of adult education. I argue that the cases we see of anti-austerity education have distinctive features of new political realities. While not unrelated to popular pedagogical projects of the past, anti-austerity adult education sits in compulsory opposition to what Albo and Fanelli describe as the austerity initiated ‘disciplinary democracy’ project of neo-liberalism. As a result, new adult educators and educational initiatives are emerging in relation to a morphing political-economic hegemony.  相似文献   

17.
论高校网络思想政治教育话语失当及回归   总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1  
网络思想政治教育已经成为高校思想政治教育的一块不可或缺的阵地,抢占网络思想政治教育阵地,关键在于掌握并合理运用网络思想政治教育的话语。当前,高校网络思想政治教育存在着话语失当现象,表现为教育话语剥离了学生的生活实际、教育话语模式呈现滞后性、教育主体关系上表现出了强权威和弱民主的缺点等问题。深入分析其原因,使思想政治教育...  相似文献   

18.
开设“逻辑与思维”,并不只是为中学生增加一门培养思维方式、训练思维技能的课程,而是承载着提升思维素养和增强思想政治素质等多维教育使命。展开而言,其一,它承载着适应现代科学发展的使命,现代科学以演绎和归纳为思维利器,适应并开展现代科学研究必须具备良好的逻辑思维能力;其二,它承载着维护经济稳健发展的使命,保障经济活动的持续繁荣必须自觉地把握经济发展的逻辑;其三,它承载着促进社会理性化的使命,适宜的民主和健全的法治从来都是遵规则、重论证、讲逻辑的;其四,它承载着推进文化发展的使命,满足人们多元性精神需要的多样性文化,只有在相互尊重、充分讲理的基础上才能达到理解与包容。“逻辑与思维”教育所承载的多维使命,反映在这门课程的教育教学中就是要达至其核心素养——科学精神的养成。  相似文献   

19.
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20.
Ever since the idea of the ‘knowledge society’ came into circulation, there have been discussions about what the term empirically might mean and normatively should mean. In the literature we can find a rather wide spectrum, ranging from a utilitarian interpretation of the knowledge society as a knowledge economy, via a more humanistic conception of the knowledge society as a knowledge sharing society, up to an explicitly political interpretation of the knowledge society as a knowledge democracy. Although in theory there is a wide range of interpretations and manifestations, in practice there has been a strong convergence towards the idea of the knowledge society as a knowledge economy. On this interpretation the particular task for education is seen as that of the production of flexible lifelong learners who are able to adjust and adapt to the ever-changing conditions of global capitalism. In this paper I raise the question how we might conceive of the educational task in light of the particular expectations that come from such an interpretation of the knowledge society. Against the idea that an adequate response requires that educators focus on the cultivation of the human being’s humanity, I challenge the humanistic underpinnings of the idea of education as cultivation. Instead, I suggest a different direction that moves the educational task away from the cultivation of the self towards the exposure towards the world.  相似文献   

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