共查询到20条相似文献，搜索用时 281 毫秒
1.
Victor D. Cha 《国际体育史杂志》2013,30(11):1581-1610
The study of international relations purports to explain how nation-states and individuals interact around the globe. Yet one major area of such interaction – international sport – remains exceedingly understudied. This in spite of the fact that countries have gone to war over sport, fought for sovereign recognition through sport, and that citizens around the world have it as a daily part of their lives. Indeed it is astounding that a phenomenon that matters so much has been so little studied by a field that purports to explain relations between states and humans around the world. These deficiencies became more apparent in 2008 when we witnessed the world's biggest country hosting the world's biggest sporting event. The Beijing Olympics, though entertaining and exciting, showed how little we have thought about the link between sport and international politics. This article introduces a framework for understanding the link between sport and politics. Its point of entry is to argue that many of the questions about how China portrayed itself during the Olympics and whether the Games marked China's rise as a responsible power cannot be answered without first understanding how sport in general is related to a country's political development, and its sense of nationhood. My arguments do not represent new breakthroughs in political science, rather I attempt merely to offer a systematic way of thinking about how sports and the Olympics matter in world politics through three inter-related causal pathways relating to a country's sense of self, its diplomacy, and its capacity for change. 相似文献
2.
Marcus P. Chu 《国际体育史杂志》2013,30(10):1048-1058
Any international bid involves a zero-sum competition among two or more national candidates vying for the right to host a particular international event. Chinese cities in total have participated in the Asian Games and Asian Winter Games bids four times since 1980. Beijing's bid for the 1990 Asian Games; Harbin's bid for the 1996 Asian Winter Games; Changchun's bid for the 2007 Asian Winter Games and Guangzhou's bid for the 2010 Asian Games: not one encountered failure. The argument here is that all the bids were used to build up China's hegemonic status in the Asian sports community with wider resonances for the geopolitical hegemonic influence of China. Evidence is drawn from contemporary literature and media reports. 相似文献
3.
Wenting Xue 《国际体育史杂志》2013,30(10):1037-1047
Amid the complex international situation and entangled interests, news narration is usually conducted by the government, media and the public together by copying mainstream ideas and concepts. In covering the Asian Games, People's Daily takes on a periodical change in its narration about Asia during the history of China's participation in the Games: in the stage of ‘alienation and struggle’, the narration is focused on politics; in the stage of ‘participation and competition’, the narration becomes two dimensional, touching on both politics and sport; in the stage of ‘hosting the Games and taking the lead’, the narration is further diversified and incorporates politics, sport and culture. Such an evolution takes place in a profound international and historical context, reflecting the changes not only in China's sporting events coverage but also in the ‘mindset and insight’ of Chinese media in covering sporting events and Asia. 相似文献
4.
Gladys Pak Lei Chong 《国际体育史杂志》2013,30(3):242-266
This article is an inquiry of why such significance has been assigned to sports in general and the Olympics in particular in China. It looks at how history and politics intersect with gender. I explain how the historicity of China's traumatic past – how it fell prey to the western imperialists – has allowed the state to draw on the biopolitical discourse that links its subjects’ physical, mental and moral attributes to that of the survival and revival of a Chinese nation. This article examines the ways in which gender ideals/norms were inscribed onto the athletes’ bodies that helped exemplify China's nation-building project and its pursuit of modernity. My analysis focuses on the representation of their bodies, clothes and corporal expression. Three sets of male and female athletes of three different periods were examined: (1) Liu Changchun and Yang Xiuqiong, representing the Republican China; (2) Li Ning and Lang Ping, representing the post-opening up period; (3) Liu Xiang and Guo Jingjing, representing the global China. I argue that manliness and femaleness are cultural as well as political products produced according to the needs of the nation and the state at different historical moments; and both men and women carry their share of national burden. 相似文献
5.
This study aims to explore the relationship between the Chinese government and the globalization of sport. The analysis looks at how the Chinese government has developed and managed its national sport, table tennis, as the sport became more and more globalized. This research developed a theoretical framework and an analytical tool based on Houlihan's model for analyzing ‘global reach and local response in sport’ and adopted a qualitative approach of content analysis and semi-structured interviews. A total of 16 interviewees contributed to this study, consisting of officials from Chinese sports administrations and Chinese scholars specializing in sports studies. This study found that the Chinese government has responded to the challenges associated with the globalization of table tennis in the dimensions of ‘participating in international organizations’ and ‘commercialization’ in two and five different ways, respectively. As this case study of China shows, a country's response to the globalization of sport is not limited to just one of the three types of responses described by Houlihan: passive, participative, or conflictual. In fact, a combination of two types is also possible. In China's case, the response has been both participativeand conflictual, but never passive. This study concludes that since the Chinese government habitually prioritizes the interests of the state ahead of everything else, it has never loosened its grip on the development of table tennis. It has so far demonstrated its ability to control resources when dealing with the impacts associated with the globalization of table tennis. China's socialist market economy model, which features a ‘dual-track system’ and ‘socialism with Chinese characteristics’, has generated a unique set of values that serves to rationalize whatever conflicts arise between capitalism and socialism. Although the Chinese government currently handles its relationship with globalization effectively and flexibly, the reform and opening up policies in China are expanding and may expose conflicts of interest between the Communist regime, enterprises, and professional players in the foreseeable future. 相似文献
6.
Friederike Trotier 《国际体育史杂志》2016,33(12):1321-1340
AbstractThe Games of the New Emerging Forces (GANEFO) often serve as an example of the entanglement of sport, Cold War politics and the Non-Aligned Movement in the 1960s. Indonesia as the initiator plays a salient role in the research on this challenge for the International Olympic Committee (IOC). The legacy of GANEFO and Indonesia’s further relationship with the IOC, however, has not yet drawn proper academic attention. This paper analyzes Indonesia’s interactions with the IOC until the present time, with a focus on the country’s involvement in sporting events under the patronage of the IOC (such as the Asian and Southeast Asian Games). In addition, two case studies demonstrate the variable relationship between the two actors. First, Indonesia only narrowly escaped sanctions over a dispute on the use of the Olympic logo in 2015. Yet, the country is named as host of the 2018 Asian Games, hence showing high ambitions to re-enter the international sports arena. These incidents illustrate the significance of conformity of local agencies towards the IOC with regard to political positions and power structures. The study opens the field to local – Asian – perspectives on interactions with the IOC. 相似文献
7.
8.
Marcus P. Chu 《国际体育史杂志》2013,30(15):1748-1757
Displaying amiability (qinheli) was one of the duties of the Chinese athletes involved in the London 2012 Olympics. Why did the Chinese government ask them to behave in this way? How did the athletes carry out the mandate? Was their amiable performance intended to arouse nationalist sentiment among the Chinese? In response to these questions, two key political preoccupations of the Chinese authorities in the post-London Olympics era are identified: remedying foreigners' negative impressions of China, and gaining a greater input into the decision-making of the International Olympic Committee and its affiliated international sports federations. These objectives are shown to illustrate China's intention to rebuild its international reputation and challenge the status quo of the international sporting community. 相似文献
9.
《反兴奋剂条例》是我国反兴奋剂法律法规体系的主干。近年来,国际层面反兴奋剂治理的理念、规则、机构、权责都发生了较大变化,国内新修订的《中华人民共和国体育法》《中华人民共和国刑法修正案（十一）》在兴奋剂争端解决、入刑等方面也有新的发展,为我国反兴奋剂工作的法治化、制度化、规范化提供了有力支撑,指明了努力方向。我国《反兴奋剂条例》的修订,应适应当前反兴奋剂工作的需要,构建我国更为完善的反兴奋剂治理和争端解决体系,与国际反兴奋剂治理体系有效衔接,进而推进我国更多地参与国际反兴奋剂治理,提升在反兴奋剂和体育治理中的话语权。建议在《反兴奋剂条例》（修订草案）中明确兴奋剂概念、细化兴奋剂违规类型与违规处罚方式、增加争端解决机制。 相似文献
10.
Marcus P. Chu 《国际体育史杂志》2013,30(10):1059-1070
This article aimed to examine whether the division of labour between the Chinese central and local officials, who came from the China General Sports Administration; the Chinese National Olympic Committee; and the Guangdong and Guangzhou governments, strictly complied with the stipulations of the Olympic Council of Asia in completing Guangzhou's bid for the 2010 Asian Games. The findings confirm Guangzhou as a rule-abiding bidder, and imply China's eagerness to be accepted by the international community and to project itself as a superpower in accordance with its wider political, economic and cultural ambition. 相似文献
11.
This paper explores the history and development of China's sports industry, along with its achievements, prospects, problems, and dilemmas, beginning with the implementation of the reform and opening-up policy. The paper concludes that China's sports have been gradually transformed from a type of public welfare under the planned economy to a business under the market-oriented economy since the implementation of the reform and opening-up policy in 1978. China's sports industry has gone through three stages, i.e. the exploratory stage (1978–1992), the formative stage (1993–1996), and the development stage (1997–present), and has achieved remarkable progress since the reform and opening-up. This has made the sports industry a new and significant economic growth point in China, constituting a sunrise industry of the twenty-first century. Despite the huge potential, the further development of China's sports industry is still faced with a series of problems and dilemmas, such as its unbalanced development, the lack of independent innovation, shortcomings in the policies and regulations of the industry, and the poor management system(s). 相似文献
12.
This paper aims to explore the manifestations of globalization and sport governance in China through a lens of basketball. Specific focus is centred on the extent of the universalization of the National Basketball Association's (NBA) governance model in China and the adaptation from Chinese basketball. It argues that the vertical-centralized power allocation of Chinese basketball has prevented the NBA's governance model being fully assimilated and universalized in the Chinese context. When the localization of the NBA's capitalist setting encounters the state power of China's socialist regime, Chinese political nationalism has tended to provoke a firm entrenchment to protect the government's sovereignty. 相似文献
13.
Title and flag are the baggage of Taiwan's complex past that was brought from China to Taiwan by the Kuomintang. It led to a series of conflicts between the International Olympic Committee (IOC), the Republic of China and the People's Republic of China. Taiwanese perspective has been used to discuss these sensitive issues. The impact of the international political situation on the China issue is discussed. The roles that IOC presidents – Avery Brundage, Lord Killanin and Antonio Samaranch – played in the development of the Chinese Question are analysed. In summary, due to exchange of international politics and the attitudes of the IOC presidents, the Taipei-based Committee had adopted the following names: the Chinese Olympic Committee (1949–1959), the Taiwan Olympic Committee (1959–1968) and the Republic of China Olympic Committee (1968–1979). Due to international reality, Taiwan finally had to use the name Chinese Taipei Olympic Committee (1981 to present) and pay dearly for its continued participation in the Olympic Movement by changing its national symbols. The other sports federations in Taiwan were furthermore asked to follow the example of the Chinese Taipei Olympic Committee and change their names and flags. Otherwise, they would not be allowed to maintain their memberships. 相似文献
14.
我国反兴奋剂处罚机制重视实体处罚而忽视程序救济之特点长期为学术界和体育界所诟病。人权保护原则、惩罚与救济相适应原则、程序正义原则为反兴奋剂处罚之救济提供了坚实的法理依据。借鉴域外相关经验，仲裁并辅之司法介入的方式对反兴奋剂处罚予以救济是实现反兴奋剂有效管理的制度闭环，考虑到目前国际形势和在我国现实国情，应将运动员在反兴奋剂处罚方面的程序性权利作为立法根基，同时建立行业内仲裁和适当司法介入机制为反兴奋剂处罚提供救济。 相似文献
15.
与我国体育法治体系相比，体育法学体系的构建具有滞后性，因此亟需对体育法学体系进行构建。我国体育法学体系的现状为已有规范基础、已有体系构型、已有全球化倾向和已有相应热度。体育法学有着行政法学、社会法学、程序法学和国际法学的学科基础，而从法学部门划分的相对性、体育法学的规模性、其他部门法学无法覆盖以及体育法的法文化关联等方面分析，体育法学已表现出独立性。体育法学体系的构建应当包括体育行政管理制度的研究部类、体育社会动员制度的研究部类、体育违失救济制度的研究部类和国际体育规则的研究部类。 相似文献
16.
为提高我国公共体育服务安全应急能力，在分析我国公共体育服务安全应急标准构建工作以及现行标准发展状况的基础上，提出构建巩固我国体育服务安全应急标准体系的基本原则，建立公共体育服务安全应急标准的二级结构，以国家相关的安全事件的预案与文件为依据，尝试性地选择了公共体育服务安全应急标准的相应指标，并拟定了指标的基本标准和推荐标准，完善了公共体育服务安全应急标准体系。 相似文献
17.
Brian Bridges 《国际体育史杂志》2013,30(3):375-391
This essay examines the complex, and ultimately unsuccessful, negotiations between North and South Korea, undertaken with the encouragement of the International Olympic Committee during 1962–63 to form a united Korean team to participate in the Tokyo Olympics of 1964. In particular, it focuses on the role of Hong Kong, chosen as a ‘neutral’ site for the two Korean delegations to meet. It shows how the IOC's optimism for a ‘sporting’ solution was to founder on continued mutual suspicion and recriminations between the two Koreas and how the Hong Kong government's reluctance to get involved, the US political intervention, and North Korean participation in the GANEFO Games were all to complicate the process. 相似文献
18.
Sport is an effective modern means for revealing a country's political preoccupations and geopolitical concerns. For China, Japan and South Korea, the pre-eminent countries in the recent Asian Games, sport has become a sharp tool for promoting nationalism and national identity. There is a history of bitter rivalry between these countries, not least, due to Japan's occupation of Korea and the Second Sino-Japanese War, the largest Asian war in the twentieth century. Consequently, a prominent characteristic of Korean and Chinese nationalism is anti-Japanese antipathy. This essay examines China–Japan–Korea rivalry through global sports events hosted in Asia during the past decade cumulating in the Guangzhou Asian Games. Here, the focus is on the use of these events as manifestations of resentment and revenge arising out of historic rivalries. This use may well grow in intensity as these nations grow in wealth, confidence and power as the EAST ASIAN EPOCH comes closer. This essay is the first to draw attention to the tripartite politics of sport as confrontation in the region's past, present and future. 相似文献
19.
Susan Brownell 《国际体育史杂志》2015,32(1):128-143
After the Communist victory in 1949, the People's Republic of China was excluded from most world organisations. China withdrew from the International Olympic Committee in 1958 in protest over its continued recognition of Taiwan, and since it supported the US boycott of the Moscow 1980 Olympics, it did not return to the summer games until the 1984 Los Angeles Olympics. While the diplomatic importance of those games is well known, their importance for China's economic reforms has not been discussed. The Los Angeles Games not only played an important role in the revitalisation of Chinese national identity, but also provided an eye-popping example of marketised sport and mega-events just as the economic reforms were launched. The Los Angeles Games were the first televised broadcast of the popular culture of the West to a wide Chinese audience. The deep impression they left on their Chinese viewers helped to launch China towards becoming the economic power that it became a quarter of a century later. This was symbolically represented at China's first Olympic Games in 2008, when the Olympic flame was lit by Li Ning, the gold medalist in Los Angeles who founded a sporting goods company that is considered as one of the hallmark cases of the reforms. 相似文献
20.
利用资本市场体育产业股票的交易数据,对《关于促进全民健身和体育消费推动体育产业高质量发展的意见》（以下简称《意见》）的政策效果进行评估。选取沪深两市A股62只体育产业相关上市公司股票,基于事件研究法计算62个研究样本在政策颁布事件窗口期的异常收益率（AR）、平均异常收益率（AAR）、累计异常收益率（CAR）和平均累计异常收益率（CAAR）。结果表明：《意见》的颁布对我国体育产业资本市场上市公司股票产生了显著的正向影响效应,但在不同事件窗口期的影响效果差别较大。具体表现为：在整个事件窗口期取得了显著的CAR且平均值为0.046 67,CAR为正值的股票个数为40只,占样本总量的64.52%;AAR在[-10,-9]交易日和[-5,-3]交易日为正值且数值较大,导致CAAR在这两时段快速拉升;AAR在-1交易日之后趋于平稳波动,CAAR也在高位进行平稳波动。为使“十四五”时期体育产业政策发挥有效作用,推动新时期我国体育产业高质量发展,从两个层面建议：强化有为政府政策干预,提升体育政策实施效果;增强有效市场行业自律,肩负体育资本市场责任。 相似文献